Why is Mr Vajpayee so popular?

[Guest guest]

Why is Mr Vajpayee so popular?

Vir Sanghvi

 

For many people in the media party covering the Prime Minister's

visit to the US, the most striking image of the trip came at the

official White House reception for the Prime Minister.

 

There was President Bill Clinton, young, tall, energetic and

effusive, articulately emphasising the need for a continued

improvement in Indo-US relations. And then there was Mr Vajpayee, not

quite so young, not quite so energetic, and clearly in pain,

struggling to keep up with his host's obvious energy and

eloquence.

 

Many journos came back and filed the obvious story. Mr Vajpayee, they

wrote, was tired. At some points, it even looked as though Mr Clinton

was supporting him as they walked. What an embarrassment! What

possible future could there be for Indo-US relations?

 

But here's the funny thing. However embarrassed the Indian media

were

by Mr Vajpayee's frail health, the President didn't seem to

mind at

all. On the contrary, he went out of his way to demonstrate his

regard for the Prime Minister, showed a typically Clintonesque touchy-

feely affection, and when he heard that Mr Vajpayee was inaugurating

a statue of Mahatma Gandhi, he even changed his schedule around to be

present at the function.

 

The final image of the two men was at the White House banquet just

before Mr Vajpayee's departure. Mr Clinton was as charming and as

witty as ever; Mr Vajpayee was his usual deadpan self (though he did

manage a good joke about Columbus in his speech). And yet, it was

obvious that the two leaders got along.

 

More than rapport, Mr Clinton appeared to have regard for Mr Vajpayee

and respect for his stature. The image of the old man and his young

host that had so impressed the India media at the reception remained.

But there was a shift in the balance of power. The older man now

seemed wiser, more sagacious. And his young counterpart seemed

attentive and eager to please.

 

How does Mr Vajpayee do it? He has now had a longer honeymoon than

most Prime Ministers. By this stage in his tenure, the middle class

had begun to regard Rajiv Gandhi as arrogant and only six months into

his term, Narasimha Rao had already been written off as a first-rate

Prime Minister but a third-rate human being.

 

In contrast, Mr Vajpayee's popularity remains stable. Even those

who

loathe the Sangh parivar and everything it stands for, claim that the

Prime Minister is one of the few statesmen left in Indian politics.

Were he to retire from politics, the NDA would be hopelessly divided

with the allies unwilling to accept a BJP Prime Minister and the

Sangh refusing to accept a regional leader.

 

Most Prime Ministers remain popular by offering a mixture of charisma

and ideology. Indira Gandhi wanted to hatao garibi. Rajiv dreamt of

the 21st century. And even V.P. Singh managed good press for a couple

of months by posing as the Prime Minister who would clean up the

system.

 

In contrast, Mr Vajpayee has become popular by distancing himself

from the ideology of his party. This was illustrated most

dramatically during his US trip when he told a gathering of VHP-

sympathisers that he would always be a swayamsevak. In normal

circumstances, such a comment should have evoked no surprise. After

all, most BJP leaders have been RSS members since their youth. (Would

anyone have even noticed if L. K. Advani had made such a remark?) But

such was the resulting uproar that even Mr Vajpayee was forced to

issue a deeply unconvincing retraction — ("I only said I was

a

swayamsevak of the nation").

 

Largely because he allowed his disapproval of the Ayodhya movement to

become public knowledge, Mr Vajpayee is now seen as no more than a

chairman emeritus of the Sangh parivar — as a man who may have

some

authority over the knicker-wallahs but who no longer really believes

in their philosophy. He has also changed his mind on the Hindi issue.

Throughout the 1960's he made his reputation by pushing for the

imposition of Hindi; last week, in New York, he more or less conceded

that Tamil had as much right to be India's national language.

 

Few would deny that Mr Vajpayee has charisma. And yet, anybody who is

not aware of his background would be startled by claims that he is a

great orator. During his entire Prime Ministership he has made no

more than three or four memorable speeches (most notably in Lahore).

The rest of the time he is content to read out whatever his speech-

writers give him. Similarly, unlike say, Bill Clinton, he does not

give very much of himself at personal meetings. He says little, the

pauses can be interminable and while he is always pleasant, he is

never particularly charming or forceful.

 

And yet he is the most popular Prime Minister we have had since the

first year of Rajiv Gandhi; in fact, he is the only Prime Minister

outside of the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty to have acquired such a stature

and such a hold over the country.

 

What accounts for his astonishing feat? Why is Mr Vajpayee, as tired,

unwell, uncommunicative and unbelieving as he might sometimes seems,

regarded head and shoulders above every other Indian political

leader?

 

Historians, with the advantage of distance and perspective, will

probably be better placed to answer that question. But I have a

theory of my own.

 

Mr Vajpayee became Prime Minister at a time when India was weary and

disillusioned. We had been disappointed by the sordid shenanigans of

the Kesri-Deva Gowda era; battered by the divisiveness and hatred of

the Ayodhya phase; embarrassed by the suitcase raj of the Narasimha

Rao years; and betrayed by the cynical casteism of V.P. Singh.

Despite our anger and disgust, we sensed that India had the potential

to rise above the scum of its politics and to take its rightful place

in the community of nations.

 

Mr Vajpayee appeals to us because we think he can take us there. In

his long political career, he has never once compromised on a

principle, changed parties, accepted a bribe, incited caste hatred or

conspired to topple a Government. When he has been sidelined — as

he

was during the Ayodhya phase — he preferred to sit out that

period

rather than change his beliefs. And unlike nearly everybody else who

has become Prime Minister, he has never hankered for, or manipulated

his way, to the top job.

 

All this makes him startlingly different from the rest. At this stage

of our history, India needs a Prime Minister who provides a degree of

comfort, fosters a sense of security and, above all, gives us the

feeling that we can trust him. Atal Behari Vajpayee may not be the

energetic orator of old and his views may be defined more by what he

doesn't believe in, than by what he believes. But all this means

that

he is almost exactly in tune with the mood of the times.