islamic caste system - movement against it???

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http://bihartimes.com/book_review5.html

 

Muslim Dalits a downtrodden lot

Nalin Verma

 

Ali Anwar's book, 'Masawat ki Jung' has sent a sever

down the spines of Muslim elites as it dwells at

length on the plight of dalit Muslims derided and

treated as pariahs by the upper caste brethren and

ulemas. This goes against tenets of Islam which don't

sanction inequality on the basis of caste and birth.

 

Author: Ali Anwar

Year: 2001

No. of Pages: 263

 

Publisher: Vani Prakashan , New Delhi, India

To purchase the book you may place an order of

purchase at our gift shop

 

 

"Aagaya ain ladai mein waqte-namaz Qiblaru hoke

zamin-bos hui qaum-e-hejaz Ek hi saf mein khade ho

gaye Mahmood-o-Ayaz Na koi banda raha aur na koi

banda-nawaz

 

(In the midst of raging battle if the time came to

pray, Hejazis turned to Mecca, kissed the earth and

ceased from the fray. Sultan and slave in single file

stood side by side. Then no servant was nor master,

nothing did them divide)"

 

This famous couplet of Alamma Iqbal highlights the

virtue of an egalitarian society that Islam professes.

The religion propounded by Prophet Mohammad does not

sanction inequality on the basis of caste and birth.

That's why the king and the slave stand shoulder to

shoulder in prayer as Iqbal mentions in his verse.

 

But the book, "Masawat ki Jung (crusade for equality)"

authored by Ali Anwar, journalist and activist, and

published by the Vani Prakashan , New Delhi, vividly

depicts the caste inequality and hatred in the Muslim

society and the plight of the dalit Muslims. Former

Prime Minister V. P. Singh recently released the book

at the book fair in Patna.

 

The book has sent shiver down the spine of the Muslim

elite. In Anwar's work focusses the movement that the

dalit Muslims of Bihar have launched against the

"exploitative" upper castes and ulemmas in their own

community, under the banner of the Pasmanda Muslim

Mahaz.

 

The book written in the Hindustani language

illustrates in detail how the small number of upper

caste Muslims who constitute only 15 per cent of the

total Muslim population in India have been enjoying

control over the religious, political and social

institutions of the country for centuries.

 

The author has identified the dalit castes in his

community and has described their pitiable condition

on the basis of his field survey and spending time

with time. The Muslim dalits include Jolaha, Nutt,

Bakkho, Bhatiyara, Kunjra, Dhunia, Kalal, Dafali,

Halakhor, Dhobi, Lalbegi, Gorkan, Meershikar, Cheek,

Rangrez and Darji.

 

The book emphasizes how these castes have been

socially and economically "abused" by the upper caste

Muslims for centuries. "Not to speak of others, even

the great social reformer like Sayed Ahmad Khan abused

Jolahas describing them as badjat (bad caste)", the

book says.

 

The jolahas are hard working people who earn their

livelihood by weaving cloths. "But it is an irony that

the people who are relatively more hard working are

frowned upon in the Muslim society. The way Ahirs are

ridiculed in the Hindu society, the Jolahas are abused

and described as fools in the Muslim society."

 

The book quotes numerous popular idioms which the

"high born" Muslims use to despise the dalits in their

community. Among them is "Khet khaye gadaha, maar

khaye jolaha (Jolaha should be beaten up if the donkey

grazes the harvest)." Another is: "Dom ghar khaibo,

dhob ghar khaibo na (Eat at Dom's house but never eat

at a Dhobi's house). Dhob is a washer man community.

 

The book says that the condition of dalit Muslims is

"worse than dalit Hindus". "It's a big farce that

there is no untouchability in Muslim society. The

disease of untouchability is very much prevalent in

Muslim society. In fact, neither the Muslims' ruling

elite nor the religious leaders have so far made any

meaningful efforts to remove the disease of inequality

that has made the dalit Muslims to suffer for

centuries." The author says that the Muslim political

and religious leaders have rather tried to conceal the

casteism, untouchability and inequality in the

community to serve their vested interests.

 

Interestingly, the book disputes the general opinion

of historians and social scientists that the Muslim

society adopted the vices of social inequality and

casteism from the Hindu society. "The general belief

that Muslim society has absorbed the caste based

disparities from the Hindu society is not wholly

true."

 

The book says that the disease of social inequality

was prevalent even in the Arab society during the

pre-Islam and post-Islam days. To drive his point home

the author asks: "If there was no inequality in

Arab(ia)-where Islam was born-how does the Arabic

literatures contain the words, ashraf, azlaf and

arzal? These three Arabic words are derived from their

Arabic roots, sharf, zalf and razl which mean gentle,

lowly and pariah respectively."

 

The book does not wholly deny the theory that the

Hindus who were converted to Islam carried the

vestiges of their caste-based culture with them in the

Muslim society. "Who denies the impact of Hinduism

over Islam or vice versa…..Synthesis and compromises

happen when the two cultures and civilizations meet

and decide to co-exist." But if the Muslim society,

the book argues, imposes the onus of the vice

inequality and casteism wholly on Hindu society it is

absolutely wrong. "It's a design to hide one's own

vice."

 

The author strongly advocates reservation in jobs for

the dalit Muslims on the pattern of the one provided

to the Hindu dalits who include Scheduled Castes and

Scheduled Tribes. He describes the failure of the

Muslim leaders to ask for reservation in Government

jobs for the dalits in their community at the time of

the formation of the constitution as a "design" to

conceal the social inequality. More than 50 years down

the line, the "unholy design to conceal the weakness

of the society and maintain the hegemony of a selected

class of the community over the rest has festered into

deep wounds causing untold sufferings to the dalit

Muslims".

 

The benefit of reservation in the jobs has enabled a

fair number of SCs and STs become IAS and IPS officers

and get services at various levels in the central and

state governments. "But one can not find a single

Jolaha, Dafali, Bhatiyara, Cheek or any dalit Muslim

getting the job of even a clerk in the Government's

office or teacher in the schools", the book claims.

 

The book says that the dalit and backward Muslims who

constitute more than 75 per cent of the total Muslim

population in the country are now awakened to the

"reality" that the Muslim political and religious

leadership "dominated by the upper castes" will not

raise their (dalit Muslim's) cause. But in a bid to

guard their "vested interests, the likes of Sayed

Shahabuddin and several ulemmas are now clamouring for

the reservation for all the poor Muslims in the

Government job". "It's yet another design to

perpetuate the hegemony of Sheikhs, Pathans and

Malliks-the high caste Muslims-who have been ruling

the mosques, Muslims' religious and charity related

bodies and the politics."

 

The book also holds the Muslm ulemmas responsible for

the plight of the dalit Muslims. "Why these ulemmas

don't wage a crusade against the casteism and

inequality which are against the basic tenets of

Islam", the author asks, adding: " these ulemmas

mainly belonging to upper castes dominate the rich

religious and charity related bodies.And they are

as much attracted towards power and pelf as the Vishwa

Hindu Parishad sponsored sadhus are."

 

Religious and charitable organisations of the Muslims,

according to the book, used to be supported by the

subscriptions from the people in the past. "But now

these organisatinos are run on petro-dollars and the

ulemmas exercising control over them have their eyes

on money coming from the Arab and other Muslim

countries.So", according to the book, "these

ulemmas are more interested in maintaining their

credibility with the Arab countries rather than

dealing with the day to day life, struggle and

problems of the Muslim masses at large in their own

country."

 

The book warns: "The foreign money can add colours and

decorations in our mosques but it has all the

potential to deviate our neo-rich ulemmas from the

path of truth and religiosity.Besides, the foreign

money can add to several other vices."

 

To prove that how the religious and charitable

organisations of the Muslims ignore the cause of their

poor and socially backward brethren, the book cites

the example of the headquarters of the

Imarat-e-Shariah (Bihar and Orissa) located in the

Phulwari Sharief area of Patna. Close to the

Imarat-e-Shariah office there is a huge settlement of

halalkhors (Muslim dalits). "Cholera broke out in the

halakhors locality a few years ago killing six poor

people. Not to speak of providing any material

assistance, the Imarat-e-Shariah's office bearers did

not even prefer to meet the affected families and

inquire about their welfare", the book says.

 

The book intersperse with numerous popular anecdotes,

idioms and tales, dwells at length on the travails and

exploitation of the dalit Muslims and how they are

treated as "pariah" by the upper caste Muslims and

ulemmas calling the shots.

 

To prove that how the vested interests have caused

immense harm to the Muslim society, which has now

deviated from the path of masawat (equality), the

author once again quotes Alamma Iqbal:

 

"Waize-qaum ki woh pukhta-khayali na rahi

 

Bark tabai na rahi, shola-maqali na rahi

 

Rah gai rashme-azan, ruhe-Belali na rahi

 

Falsafa rah gaya, talqeene gazali na rahi. (There is

no substance in what the mentors preach. No lightning

flashes enlighten their minds. There's no fire in

their speech. Only the ritual the call to prayer; the

spirit of Bilal has fled. There is only a philosophy

left. Ghazali's discourse is no longer present)."

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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