Whose Sardar is he anyway?

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Whose Sardar is he anyway? >Sat, 28 Dec 2002 09:24:16 -0800 > >Title:

Whose Sardar is he anyway? >Author: Tarun Vijay >Publication: Indian Express

>Dec. 12, 2002 >

>http:/indianexpress.com/archive_full_story.php?content_id=14612 > > >It's good

to find that Sardar Patel has re-emerged in the Congress Party’s offices, at

least in Gujarat. It will be interesting to know that in the offices of the

Deputy Prime Minister L K Advani and BJP president Venkaiah Naidu, one does not

find portraits of either Shyama Prasad Mookerji or Deen Dayal Upadhyaya, but of

Sardar Patel. > >His photos may be found even in some RSS offices. That the

Congress, which saw nothing beyond the Nehrus until now and which named all

buildings, squares and stadiums under its control after the descendants of the

Nehru dynasty, has to take refuge in the Sardar signifies the power of the

Hindu votebank. > >This is the time to dwell on what Sardar stood for and the

reasons for the serious differences between the then Prime Minister and his

deputy Prime Minister during those turbulent days. Nothing gives us more

insight than the diary of the Sardar’s daughter, Maniben Patel (edited by P N

Chopra, published by Vision Books). > >It reveals how Nehru could not tolerate

the Sardar’s stature, how he tried to demolish the institution of collective

leadership and humiliate him on issues like Kashmir. It also tells us the

Sardar’s views on Communists, Muslims and the conversion of Hindus. >Nehru

tried to go soft on the Hyderabad action, apparently to appease Muslims. But

the Sardar told C Rajgopalachari in no uncertain terms that nothing would stop

him from pursuing strong action to remove ‘‘an ulcer’, and that Nehru should

remain within his limits. >The diary says: ‘‘Sardar Patel bluntly told Rajaji

that he would not want the future generations to blame and curse him for

allowing an ulcer in the heart of India. On one side is western Pakistan and on

the other side eastern Pakistan (with their idea of (a) pan-Islamic bloc...

(they want to) come to Delhi and establish the Mughal empire again. Once we

enter Hyderabad, it is no longer an international affair. It is the States

Ministry’s function. How long are you and Panditji going to bypass the Ministry

of the States and carry on?’’ (September 13, 1948). > >Those who publish Patel’s

photographs on their manifestos in Gujarat don’t have the courage to call a

spade a spade. Kashmir alone isn’t behind Pakistan’s hatred for India. It’s

just a manifestation of centuries old animosity against Hindus that has

continued since the times of Muhammad bin Qasim. Give them Kashmir today, they

will find another excuse to attack us next day till he reaches Delhi. > >The

diary says, ‘‘Sardar Patel was very unhappy that Nehru had taken the Kashmir

issue to the UN which tied India’s hands. His idea was that India should

extricate itself from the UN patiently and then solve the Kashmir problem

forever. He was also unhappy when reports came that the fertilised land left

behind in Jammu by Muslim zamindars who had migrated to Pakistan was not being

given to Hindu refugees. > >Instead, the Sheikh was insisting on settling only

Muslim refugees on such land (May 1, 1949)... (there were reports) that the

majority of government employees were pro-Pakistani.’’ Exactly the same

complaints we hear from the Valley and even Jammu today. > >Nehru was a close

friend of Sheikh Abdullah, while the Sardar didn’t trust him at all. The diary

reveals that even Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, former prime minister of Kashmir,

felt that the Sardar could have solved Kashmir if Nehru had not intervened.

‘‘Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, on the other hand, was insisting that the Sardar

should settle the Kashmir issue as he had done Hyderabad. But Nehru would not

allow it. Iyengar reported that the Sheikh wanted to have an independent

Kashmir. Upon hearing this, the Sardar said he would ask the Maharaja to return

to Jammu as he did not place any trust in Sheikh Abdullah (May 12, 1949).’’

>Maniben also refers to a discussion about the possibility of the partition of

Kashmir which involved India retaining Jammu and handing over the rest of the

state to Pakistan. Patel retorted: ‘‘We want the entire territory... and battle

for the whole of Kashmir” (July 23, 1949). > >The Sardar was happy to see Guru

Golwalkar, the then RSS chief, released from jail and wanted to welcome RSS

workers in the Congress. On 3rd August, 49, says the diary: ‘‘Glad at release

of Golwalkar—ready to welcome in Congress. Bapu’s (Sardar’s) task to make their

entry easy.’’ > >Today, a Congress leader attends an Osama tainted institute in

London but won’t say a word on the atrocities on Hindus in Bangladesh. The

Sardar reacted differently under similar circumstances. Maniben records:

‘‘Sardar Patel was not happy with the Nehru-Liaquat Ali Pact as it did not stop

the exodus of Hindus from East Pakistan which went on increasing and a large

number of Hindus continued to migrate to India. > >Sardar Patel observed that

he was not so much worried about the killings, after all 30 lakh people had

died in the Bengal famine, but he could not stand assaults on women and their

forcible conversion to Islam... (April 5, 1950). > >The Sardar further said:

‘‘Hindus had been totally finished in Sind, Punjab, Baluchistan and Frontier

Provinces. It was being repeated in East Pakistan and people like Hafizur

Rehman, who had stayed on in India, would be clamouring for (a) homeland in

India. What would be our position then. Our posterity would call us traitors.’’

(April 24, 1950) > >Sardar Patel did not trust the Communists either. He told M

O Mathai, Nehru’s Special Assistant, ‘‘If we have to build up the nation,

Communists would have no place there.’’ (September 13, 1948).’’ He didn’t know

that though his photo would be used on the Congress manifesto, and that the

same people would join hands with the Communists whom he hated the most. >

>Interestingly, Maniben mentions in her diary that Sardar had one common goal

with Savarkar. They differed on several issues but both of them wanted the

‘‘four crore Muslims in India to be loyal to the country; otherwise there was

no place for them (August 16, 1949).’’ Compare these views with the RSS stand

today! >The writer is editor of the RSS journal Panchjanya >

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