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>[bJP News] J&K: A Forgotten Ethnic Cleansing

>Sat, 1 Feb 2003 09:19:07 -0800 (PST)

>

>J&K: A Forgotten Ethnic Cleansing

>Author: KANCHAN LAKSHMAN

>Publication: Outlook

>February 10, 2003

>

>It's over 13 years now but, political rhetoric aside, we, as a nation,

>have become immune to the plight of the Kashmiri Pandits who remain

>largely irrelevant in the political discourse -- both within and outside

>the country.

>

>

>January 19 marked thirteen years since what is generally recognized as

>the beginning of the process of ethnic cleansing by which the Kashmiri

>Pandits (descendents of Brahmin priests) were hounded out of the Kashmir

>Valley. On this day, a Kashmiri Pandit nurse working at the Soura

>Medical College Hospital in Srinagar was raped and later killed by

>Pakistan-backed terrorists. The incident was preceded by massacres of

>Pandit families in the Telwani and Sangrama villages of Budgam district

>and other places in the Kashmir Valley.

>

>

>While the Jammu & Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) claimed a 'secular'

>agenda of liberation from Indian rule, the terrorist intent was clearly

>to drive non-Muslim 'infidels' out of the State and establish

>Nizam-e-Mustafa (literally, the Order of the Prophet; government

>according to the Shariah).

>

>

>Accounts of Pandits from this traumatic period reveal that it was not

>unusual to see posters and announcements telling them to leave the

>Valley. On April 4, 1990, for instance, a prominent Urdu newspaper,

>Alsafa, carried the following headline: "Kashmiri Pandits responsible

>for duress against Muslims should leave the valley within two days."

>

>

>Pandit properties were either destroyed or taken over by terrorists or

>by local Muslims, and there was a continuous succession of brutal

>killings, a trend that continues even today. Ethnic cleansing was

>evidently a systematic component of the terrorists' strategic agenda in

>J&K, and estimates suggest that, just between February and March 1990,

>140,000 to 160,000 Pandits had fled the Valley to Jammu, Delhi, or other

>parts of the country.

>

>

>Simultaneously, there were a number of high-profile killings of senior

>Hindu officials, intellectuals and prominent personalities. Eventually,

>an estimated 400,000 Pandits - some 95 per cent of their original

>population in the Valley - became part of the neglected statistic of

>'internal refugees' who were pushed out of their homes as a result of

>this campaign of terror. Not only did the Indian state fail to protect

>them in their homes, successive governments have provided little more

>than minimal humanitarian relief, and this exiled community seldom

>figures in the discourse on the 'Kashmir issue' and its resolution.

>

>

>A majority of the Pandit refugees live in squalid camps with spiraling

>health and economic problems. Approximately 2,17,000 Pandits still live

>in abysmal conditions in Jammu with families of five to six people often

>huddled into a small room. Social workers and psychologists working

>among them testify that living as refugees in such conditions has taken

>a severe toll on their physical and mental health.

>

>

>Confronted with the spectre of cultural extinction, incidence of

>problems such as insomnia, depression and hypertension have increased

>and birth rates have declined significantly. A 1997 study based on

>inquiries at various migrant camps in Jammu and Delhi revealed that

>there had been only 16 births compared to 49 deaths in about 300

>families between 1990 and 1995, a period over which militancy was at its

>peak.

>

>

>The deaths were mostly of people in the age group of 20 to 45. Causes

>for the low birth rates were primarily due to premature menopause in

>women, hypo-function of the reproductive system and lack of adequate

>accommodation and privacy. Dr. K.L. Choudhary, who has been treating

>various Kashmiri Pandit patients, asserts that they had aged physically

>and mentally by 10 to 15 years beyond their natural age, and that there

>was a risk that the Pandits could face extinction if current trends

>persist.

>

>

>On the abysmal conditions at the camps, one report stated that, at the

>Muthi camp on the outskirts of Jammu where most of the Pandits stayed

>after migration from the Valley, a single room was being shared by three

>generations. In certain cases at other places, six families lived in a

>hall separated by partitions of blankets or bed sheets.

>

>

>The Pandits have rejected rehabilitation proposals that envision

>provision of jobs if the displaced people returned to the Valley,

>indicating that they were not willing to become 'cannon-fodder' for

>politicians who cannot guarantee their security. Whenever any attempt

>aimed to facilitate KP return to the Valley has been initiated, a major

>incident of terrorist violence against them has occurred.

>

>

>The Pandits insist that they will return to the Valley only when they -

>and not these 'others' - are able to determine that the situation is

>conducive to their safety. "We cannot go back in the conditions

>prevailing in Kashmir. We will go back on our own terms," Kashmiri

>Samiti president

>

>

>Sunil Shakdher said in August 2002 in response to the then Farooq

>Abdullah regime's proposed rehabilitation agenda. At the minimum level,

>these terms would include security to life and property and, at a

>broader level, a consensual rehabilitation scheme.

>

>

>Any proposal to return the Pandits to the Valley in the past has been

>cut short by terrorists. Whenever any attempt aimed to facilitate their

>return to the Valley has been initiated, a major incident of terrorist

>violence against them has occurred. The massacre of 26 Pandits at

>Wandhama, a hamlet in the Ganderbal area of the Valley on the

>intervening night of January 25-26, 1998; the earlier killing of eight

>others at Sangrampora in Budgam district on March 22, 1997; and the

>massacre of 26 Hindus at Prankote in Udhampur District on April 21,

>1998; are only three of the many examples of the terrorists' tactic to

>block any proposal for the return of migrants to the Valley.

>

>

>These massacres and a continuous succession of targeted individual

>killings have ensured the failure of every proposal to resolve the

>problem of the exiled Pandits.

>

>

>It was, again, this pervasive insecurity that led to the collapse of the

>proposal to create 13 clusters of residential houses in 'secure zones'

>in different parts of Anantnag for the return and rehabilitation of

>Kashmiri Pandit migrants from outside the Valley in April 2001.

>

>

>Earlier, in 1996, the then Chief Minister Farooq Abdullah had formed a

>six-member Apex Committee under the chairmanship of Abdul Ahmed Vakil,

>then Relief and Revenue Minister, with the objective of drawing an

>action plan for facilitating a safe and honourable return of the

>migrants to the Valley.

>

>

>Based on the views of the migrant Pandits and the Apex Committee's

>interim report, the State government subsequently announced a Rs. 28

>billion rehabilitation package. The scheme included the creation of an

>authority of the Protector General of Migrant Properties; Rs. 1,00,000

>for each Kashmiri migrant family willing to return to the Valley;

>setting up of a transit settlement at Srinagar, Anantnag and Baramulla

>Districts; rehabilitation grants of Rs. 150,000 to each house; waiver of

>loans; a sustenance allowance of Rs. 3,000 to those migrants who had

>been employed in the private sector; and opportunities for the children,

>among others.

>

>

>Ramesh Manvati, General Secretary of Panun Kashmir (a frontline

>organisation of the Pandits), said on January 19, 2002, that the J&K

>government's rehabilitation of some Pandits at Tulla-Mulla in Srinagar

>and Matan in the Anantnag district "is being done without consulting us

>and is largely an eyewash." The Kashmiri Samiti had asked for a probe

>into the alleged missing 18,000 job applications invited by the Abdullah

>government from Kashmiri Pandits. The Samiti also claims that

>approximately 3,000 jobs had fallen vacant since many Pandits in

>government service had retired over the years, and that not a single

>person had been appointed from the community so far.

>

>

>The current Chief Minister Mufti Mohammed Sayeed, addressing his maiden

>press conference at Srinagar on November 3, 2002, said that the

>rehabilitation of migrant Pandits was one of his government's 'top

>priorities', adding that, "Their (the Pandits') migration is a blot on

>the identity of Kashmir."

>

>

>The Pandits, however, regard the Sayeed regime's 'healing touch' policy

>with great skepticism. The regime's decision to release a number of

>terrorists and secessionists on bail and the proposal to hold talks

>"without any pre-conditions" with a mlange of groups actively pursuing

>the agenda of violence has led a section of the Pandit community to

>believe that the State government, "is turning a blind eye to our

>plight?"

>

>

>For a majority of the displaced Kashmiris, the recent State Legislative

>Assembly elections held little meaning. Panun Kashmir, during the run up

>to the State Legislative Assembly elections in 2002, had dismissed the

>exercise as 'meaningless'. They said the Election Commission's decision

>to make arrangements for Hindu migrants to vote from outside J&K would

>institutionalise their migrant status. "The move to allow migrant Hindu

>Pandits to vote at their respective refugee camps only reinforces the

>mindset that there are no chances for them to return to their homes,

>ever," said Shakdher.

>

>

>A section of the Pandits have demanded a geo-political re-organisation

>of the State and the carving of a separate homeland for them. Ramesh

>Manvati believes that this "is the only viable option available for our

>rehabilitation." While such an extreme measure may arises out of the

>increasing desperation of a people whose plight has been ignored for

>nearly a decade and a half, the idea itself is fraught with the imminent

>danger of playing into the hands of religious extremists who seek a

>division of the State along religious lines.

>

>

>Their relatively small numbers, coupled with a tradition of non-violent

>protest, has made the Pandits largely irrelevant in the political

>discourse - both within the country and internationally - on Kashmir. It

>should be clear, however, that the many 'peace processes' and 'political

>solutions' that are initiated from time to time have little meaning

>until these include some steps to correct the grave injustices done to

>this unfortunate community.

>

>

>

>

>The author is Research Associate, Institute for Conflict Management;

>Assistant Editor, Faultlines: Writings on Conflict & Resolution.

>Courtesy: South Asia Intelligence Review of the South Asia Terrorism

>Portal

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