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--- Sanjay Achharya <sanjaya2@o...> wrote:

> Wed, 21 Apr 2004 19:40:30 -0400

> Sanjay Achharya <sanjaya2@o...>

> Fwd: Is the US trying to

> "peacefully pre-empt the Indian nuclear

> deterrent"?

> (Recipient list suppressed)

>

> If this is true it has major implications on India's

> security. I hope our

> ministers are aware of their own strategy and its

> consequences and have a

> game plan ready.

>

> Sanjay

>

>

>

> >Dear Sanjay Achharya:

> >

> >The contents of this article of Bharat Karnad in

> the ASIAN AGE is troubling?

> >

> >EXCERPTS:

> >

> >***US establishing a military presence in Pakistan,

> virtually controlling

> >the Pakistani air space out of its main base in

> Jacobabad, and wresting

> >control from a harried and pressured General Pervez

> Musharraf and the

> >Pakistan Army of the most critical part of the

> Pakistani nuclear arsenal —

> >the nuclear component of the nuclear weapons. The

> awarding of "major

> >non-NATO ally" status to that country, in the

> event, is a sop to dampen

> >the growing resentment within the Pakistani

> establishment.

> >

> >***Pakistani government has, however, been

> permitted to ballyhoo the

> >fiction of readily available nuclear weapons for

> the purposes of dealing

> >with the "threat" from India.

> >

> >***it would not do to broadcast this last

> development because it will lose

> >Washington powerful leverage with the Indian

> government. Better, from the

> >American (and, in the circumstances, also the

> Pakistani) point of view, to

> >reinforce the mindless Indian fixation with the

> "nuclear threat" from

> >Pakistan to keep India alarmed, distracted and

> contained to South Asia —

> >something that was originally achieved by China's

> assisting Pakistan to go

> >nuclear and the US government's providing it

> protection against its own

> >strong non-proliferation laws.

> >

> >***A part of the US agenda to effectively nuclear

> disarm the subcontinent

> >has been achieved vis-à-vis Pakistan. Washington is

> now turning its

> >attention to New Delhi with the intent of

> peacefully pre-empting the

> >Indian nuclear deterrent. A partial victory has

> already been scored.

> >Ashley Tellis, formerly senior adviser to the US

> ambassador in India, has

> >revealed the deal cut in the 19 rounds of the

> Strobe Talbott-Jaswant Singh

> >talks held post-Pokharan-II, whereby India agreed

> not to resume nuclear

> >testing, change the present "de-alerted, de-mated"

> nuclear posture, or

> >develop intercontinental ballistic missiles in

> return for promises of

> >transfer of high-technology, like civilian advanced

> reactors, and

> >technological collaboration in space. Senior Bush

> administration officials

> >admit that the "glide path" is a diplomatic ploy

> and no real high-value

> >technology will be in the pipeline, at least not

> until Washington gains

> >real confidence in India, which may be the same as

> New Delhi's doing what

> >it is asked to do by the US.

> >

> >***But there's one "high tech" project the US is

> very keen India join,

> >namely, missile defence. It is a device to hasten

> the de-nuclearisation of

> >India. How so? New Delhi's rapturous welcome of the

> anti-ballistic missile

> >defence concept mooted by President Bush provided

> the opening.

> >

> >***an interim missile defence solution is on offer

> — theatre missile

> >defence (TMD) based on the Aegis radar on board US

> Navy destroyers,

> >presumably patrolling off the Indian coast. The

> Aegis is expected to give

> >real time warnings of missile launches from

> Pakistan and even China

> >whereupon the inordinately expensive Arrow

> interdictor missiles (Israeli

> >Arrow or the American PAC-3) that India will be

> persuaded to buy at great

> >cost, can be fired. Assuming the radar, sensors and

> the communications

> >interlinks work as they are supposed to, the

> question to ask is: will

> >Indian military personnel be manning the Aegis

> radar and its links to

> >Indian nuclear operations complex? Of course, not.

> In which case, will not

> >India's security become hostage to US interests in

> Pakistan and the region

> >as a whole?

> >

> >***whether it is the Aegis TMD or the NMD India

> will to, the

> >United States will notch up a singular

> counter-proliferation success. What

> >the US could not wangle in the Commission on

> Disarmament in Geneva over

> >forty-odd years of arm-twisting in the negotiations

> on the

> >Non-Proliferation Treaty and the Comprehensive Test

> Ban Treaty — India's

> >right to a meaningful nuclear deterrent in line

> with those of the

> >so-called NPT-recognised nuclear states — will be

> peacefully ceded by New

> >Delhi. India will end up becoming an American

> client-state, like Pakistan.

> >

> >***Washington will argue that insofar as the

> Pakistani nuclear threat has

> >been negated, there is little need for India to

> continue having a nuclear

> >arsenal of its own, let alone to augment it in any

> way. This is how the

> >logic of New Delhi's oft-expressed fear of

> Islamabad starting a nuclear

> >affray, is going to be turned against India.

> >

> >I have no doubt India's seasoned diplomats will

> tread their way most

> >carefully in future discussions with the United

> States - and not walk into

> >a trap. India MUST be recognized as a nuclear power

> in its own right de

> >facto if not de jure. There should be no question

> of India ever having to

> >surrender its independent nuclear deterrent as long

> as China is not

> >willing to de-nuclearize and China will not agree

> to de-nuclearize unless

> >the other 4 powers agree to de-nuclearize.

> >

> >Ram Narayanan

> >

> >

> ><http://www.asianage.com/>http://www.asianage.com/

> >

> >ASIAN AGE, APRIL 21, 2004

> >

>

><http://www.asianage.com/main.asp?

layout=2&cat1=6&cat2=42&newsid=97680>After

>

> >Pak, India

> >

> >- By Bharat Karnad

> >

> >India-Pakistan talks on nuclear confidence and

> security building measures

> >(CSBMs) are to begin on May 25. To understand what

> is at stake and what

> >can reasonably be agreed upon by the two countries,

> there is first the

> >need to be clear about the interests and intentions

> of the third player in

> >this fandango — the United States.

> >

> >Nothing spooks the US more than nuclear weapons in

> the hands of other than

> >the five so-called Non-Proliferation Treaty

> (NPT)-recognised nuclear

> >weapon states. The mere suspicion that Saddam

> Hussein was angling for an

> >atom bomb led to Iraq's being Bushwhacked.

> >

> >The strategy of pre-emption and preventive war,

> articulated by US

> >President George W. Bush, has provided

> justification for this action.

> >According to it, any and all threats to the US,

> however remote, are to be

> >nipped in the bud by whatever means, including war.

> And weapons of mass

> >destruction (WMDs), especially of the nuclear

> variety, are perceived by

> >Washington as posing the greatest threat to US

> security and world order.

> >Over the years, Republican and Democratic Party

> administrations alike have

> >supported strong counter-proliferation measures

> when more peaceable ones

> >have not worked.

> >

> >But the American fear of proliferation, whatever

> the rhetoric, turned

> >serious only after the trauma of 9/11. How else to

> explain Washington's

> >turning a Nelson's eye over the previous two

> decades to China's supplying

> >nuclear weapon design and production technology and

> missile wherewithal

> >(directly and via North Korea) to Pakistan, and to

> Islamabad's

> >barely-disguised build-up of the Kahuta

> centrifuges? It served the US

> >interests to have Pakistan as a "frontline state"

> helping the US discomfit

> >the Soviet occupation troops in Afghanistan and

> later fight Osama bin

> >Laden and his Al Qaeda cohort there, whence its

> nuclear transgressions

> >were forgiven, that is until now.

> >

> >Pakistan has been "outed" as a nuclear rogue

> supplier for a reason. The

> >conjunction between the Islamabad-run nuclear

> "grey" market and the Al

> >Qaeda brand of uncompromising terrorism has

> conjured up the spectre of

> >jihadis exploding smuggled "radiological dispersion

> devices" or, worse,

> >"suitcase bombs", in the heart of Manhattan. The

> Russian secretary for

> >national security, General Alexander Lebed,

> visiting Washington in 1997,

> >revealed that 132 of these bombs are missing from a

> total of some 300-odd

> >in the ex-Soviet inventory. It was too real a

> danger for the George W.

> >Bush administration to ignore.

> >

> >This, as much as the fight against the Al Qaeda,

> has led to the US

> >establishing a military presence in Pakistan,

> virtually controlling the

> >Pakistani air space out of its main base in

> Jacobabad, and wresting

> >control from a harried and pressured General Pervez

> Musharraf and the

> >Pakistan Army of the most critical part of the

> Pakistani nuclear arsenal —

> >the nuclear component of the nuclear weapons. The

> awarding of "major

> >non-NATO ally" status to that country, in the

> event, is a sop to dampen

> >the growing resentment within the Pakistani

> establishment.

> >

> >Islamabad acquiesced in this arrangement because it

> was confronted with

> >Hobson's choice: either allow its nuclear weapons

> to be neutered in this

> >way, or face the prospect of the Pakistani weapons

> being publicly and

> >forcefully eliminated. General Musharraf chose the

> former course. A

> >careful content analysis of various statements by

> General Musharraf and

> >Abdul Sattar in the aftermath of 9/11, when he was

> foreign minister,

> >carried out by this writer — which because of space

> constraints cannot be

> >detailed here — and other supporting evidence, like

> the movement of US and

> >Israeli (and even Indian) Special Forces at the

> time, substantiates this

> >thesis. Pakistani government has, however, been

> permitted to ballyhoo the

> >fiction of readily available nuclear weapons for

> the purposes of dealing

> >with the "threat" from India.

> >

> >Besides, it would not do to broadcast this last

> development because it

> >will lose Washington powerful leverage with the

> Indian government. Better,

> >from the American (and, in the circumstances, also

> the Pakistani) point of

> >view, to reinforce the mindless Indian fixation

> with the "nuclear threat"

> >from Pakistan to keep India alarmed, distracted and

> contained to South

> >Asia — something that was originally achieved by

> China's assisting

> >Pakistan to go nuclear and the US government's

> providing it protection

> >against its own strong non-proliferation laws.

> >

> >A part of the US agenda to effectively nuclear

> disarm the subcontinent has

> >been achieved vis-à-vis Pakistan. Washington is now

> turning its attention

> >to New Delhi with the intent of peacefully

> pre-empting the Indian nuclear

> >deterrent. A partial victory has already been

> scored. Ashley Tellis,

> >formerly senior adviser to the US ambassador in

> India, has revealed the

> >deal cut in the 19 rounds of the Strobe

> Talbott-Jaswant Singh talks held

> >post-Pokharan-II, whereby India agreed not to

> resume nuclear testing,

> >change the present "de-alerted, de-mated" nuclear

> posture, or develop

> >intercontinental ballistic missiles in return for

> promises of transfer of

> >high-technology, like civilian advanced reactors,

> and technological

> >collaboration in space. Senior Bush administration

> officials admit that

> >the "glide path" is a diplomatic ploy and no real

> high-value technology

> >will be in the pipeline, at least not until

> Washington gains real

> >confidence in India, which may be the same as New

> Delhi's doing what it is

> >asked to do by the US.

> >

> >But there's one "high tech" project the US is very

> keen India join,

> >namely, missile defence. It is a device to hasten

> the de-nuclearisation of

> >India. How so? New Delhi's rapturous welcome of the

> anti-ballistic missile

> >defence concept mooted by President Bush provided

> the opening. It did not

> >help that India's interest in missile defence is

> Pakistan-oriented (as is

> >much of its military effort), evident from the

> Indian interest in the

> >short-range Russian S-300 and the Israeli Arrow

> anti-ballistic missile

> >systems for point and small area air defence.

> >

> >A constituency for plugging into the US missile

> defence within the

> >civilian, defence science and military

> bureaucracies is sought to be

> >created. A number of Indian teams have already been

> conducted around the

> >Sandia National Laboratory in New Mexico where the

> prototypes of the

> >National Missile Defence (NMD) radar, sensors,

> "kill" vehicles, etc., are

> >being designed and tested. A favourable consensus

> is also sought to be

> >generated amongst the intelligentsia through

> friendly press commentaries.

> >

> >However, NMD is some ways off, if ever, from

> getting off the ground. So,

> >an interim missile defence solution is on offer —

> theatre missile defence

> >(TMD) based on the Aegis radar on board US Navy

> destroyers, presumably

> >patrolling off the Indian coast. The Aegis is

> expected to give real time

> >warnings of missile launches from Pakistan and even

> China whereupon the

> >inordinately expensive Arrow interdictor missiles

> (Israeli Arrow or the

> >American PAC-3) that India will be persuaded to buy

> at great cost, can be

> >fired. Assuming the radar, sensors and the

> communications interlinks work

> >as they are supposed to, the question to ask is:

> will Indian military

> >personnel be manning the Aegis radar and its links

> to Indian nuclear

> >operations complex? Of course, not. In which case,

> will not India's

> >security become hostage to US interests in Pakistan

> and the region as a whole?

> >

> >The problem will be exacerbated if the

> comprehensive missile defence

> >becomes feasible. Then there will be even greater

> American pressure to buy

> >into this supposedly impenetrable missile defence

> cover.

> >

> >But whether it is the Aegis TMD or the NMD India

> will to, the

> >United States will notch up a singular

> counter-proliferation success. What

> >the US could not wangle in the Commission on

> Disarmament in Geneva over

> >forty-odd years of arm-twisting in the negotiations

> on the

> >Non-Proliferation Treaty and the Comprehensive Test

> Ban Treaty — India's

> >right to a meaningful nuclear deterrent in line

> with those of the

> >so-called NPT-recognised nuclear states — will be

> peacefully ceded by New

> >Delhi. India will end up becoming an American

> client-state, like Pakistan.

> >

> >There is an implicit guarantee, moreover, that with

> the US military

> >ensconced inside Pakistan (and with or without the

> American control of the

> >latter's nuclear assets), Islamabad will be unable

> to activate its nuclear

> >weapons in a crisis or start a conventional war or

> do anything that makes

> >crossing the nuclear threshold by either Pakistan

> or India possible. By

> >factoring India's access to US missile defence into

> this equation,

> >Washington will argue that insofar as the Pakistani

> nuclear threat has

> >been negated, there is little need for India to

> continue having a nuclear

> >arsenal of its own, let alone to augment it in any

> way. This is how the

> >logic of New Delhi's oft-expressed fear of

> Islamabad starting a nuclear

> >affray, is going to be turned against India.

> >

> >Tomorrow: How to maintain nuclear peace

> >

> >Bharat Karnad is Research Professor at the Centre

> for Policy Research and

> >author of Nuclear Weapons & Indian Security

> >

>

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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--- End forwarded message ---

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