[VolSimFirst] White House Linked to Vote Switching Software

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White House-linked clandestine operation paid for " vote switching "

software

 

Special Report

 

Texas to Florida: White House-linked clandestine operation paid for

" vote switching " software

 

By Wayne Madsen

Online Journal Contributing Writer

 

 

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December 6, 2004-The manipulation of computer voting machines in the

recent presidential election and the funding of programmers who were

involved in the operation are tied to an intricate web of shady off-

shore financial trusts and companies, shady espionage operatives,

Republican Party politicians close to the Bush family, and National

Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) contract vehicles.

 

An exhaustive investigation has turned up a link between current

Florida Republican Representative Tom Feeney, a customized Windows-

based program to suppress Democratic votes on touch screen voting

machines, a Florida computer services company with whom Feeney

worked as a general counsel and registered lobbyist while he was

Speaker of the Florida House of Representatives, and top level

officials of the Bush administration.

 

According to a notarized affidavit signed by Clint Curtis, while he

was employed by the NASA Kennedy Space Center contractor, Yang

Enterprises, Inc., during 2000, Feeney solicited him to write a

program to " control the vote. " At the time, Curtis was of the

opinion that the program was to be used for preventing fraud in the

in the 2002 election in Palm Beach County, Florida. His mind was

changed, however, when the true intentions of Feeney became clear:

the computer program was going to be used to suppress the

Democratic vote in counties with large Democratic registrations.

 

According to Curtis, Feeney and other top brass at Yang Enterprises,

a company located in a three-story building in Oviedo, Florida,

wanted the prototype written in Visual Basic 5 (VB.5) in Microsoft

Windows and the end-product designed to be portable across different

Unix-based vote tabulation systems and to be " undetectable " to

voters and election supervisors.

 

Yang, an engineering and computer services company subcontracted to

NASA prime contractors like Lockheed Martin, was founded in 1986 by

Dr. Tyng-Lin (Tim) Yang. Granted minority-owned " Section 8A " and

woman-owned preferential status by the U.S. government, Yang's

clients also include the Florida Department of Transportation (DOT).

Yang's President, Li-Woan (Lee) Yang, is Tim Yang's wife. Feeney was

the registered agent for another Yang company, Y & H Greens, Inc., a

company that was dissolved in 1988 and operated from the Yangs'

residence on Merritt Island. The Yangs also serve as co-trustees

for an entity called Yang of Merritt Island, Ltd., founded on

January 31, 2000, and also run from their residence.

 

In the autumn of 1999, Curtis, who served as a sort of technology

adviser for Yang, first became aware of Feeney's interest in

election rigging. Curtis said at one meeting, Feeney " bragged that

he could reduce the minority vote and deliver the election

to 'George.' " At the same meeting, according to Curtis, Feeney said

he had " implemented a list that would eliminate thousands of voters

that would vote for Democratic candidates " and that " a proper

placement of police patrols could further reduce the black vote by

as much as 25 percent. "

 

Feeney's desire to manipulate the vote would be manifested in his

home base of Volusia County in the 2000 presidential election.

According to The Washington Post, at 10 p.m. on election night, Al

Gore was leading Bush in Volusia County by 83,000 to 62,000 votes.

One-half hour later, Gore's vote total had been reduced by 16,000 to

67,000 and an obscure Socialist candidate saw a sudden surge to

10,000 votes in a precinct with only 600 voters. The information on

the Volusia optical scanner voting anomalies came from a leaked

internal Diebold memorandum. In the end, Bush won Florida and

the White House by a mere 537 votes in the most controversial U.S.

presidential election in history.

 

Feeney had long been a voice in Florida GOP politics. He was

gubernatorial candidate Jeb Bush's running mate in 1994, a race in

which Democratic incumbent Lawton Chiles defeated Bush. Chiles once

referred to Feeney as " the David Duke of Florida politics. "

 

In 2002, Feeney asked Curtis if he could develop a touch screen

voting machine " flip flop " program. According to Curtis, Feeney

asked him, " Can you write a program to flip votes around on touch

screen machines? " Curtis said Feeney wanted the program to merely

reduce votes in heavily Democratic areas and flip Republican votes

to 51 percent and keep Democrat votes to 49 percent. Curtis added

that Feeney " did not want to win by a lot. " In return, Curtis said

Feeney offered him " big jobs. " Curtis's main tasks at Yang were

to develop the Florida DOT's Electronic Document Management System.

He also worked on the Project Pipeline Information System at another

one of Yang's major clients, Exxon Mobil's Coral Gables facility.

 

Curtis said he developed the voting program and eventually handed

off his prototype to Feeney. The program was also reviewed by

Curtis's senior coder, Hai Lin (Henry) Nee, who according to Florida

Department of Transportation sources, was an illegal alien working

in the United States. According Curtis, not only did Nee review the

vote switching program code but he constantly downloaded sensitive

data to his computer from NASA's computers. Nee, according to

Curtis, moonlighted at an Orlando company called Azure Systems,

described by The Orlando Sentinel as a " three person engineering

firm " and one of a number of companies linked to Ting Ih-Hsu, a

former Lockheed Martin employee. At the same time Nee was reviewing

Yang's vote switching program, he was also being investigated by

U.S. federal investigators for illegally shipping Hellfire missile

parts to China. Oddly, although U.S. law enforcement agents had put

Nee and his associates under surveillance for illegal exports of

technology to China in 1999, he and his colleagues were not arrested

until March of this year.

 

Curtis claimed that Yang's corporate bosses stressed that the

company had " unlimited " sources of money that came " mostly " from

China. According to Florida DOT employees, House Speaker Feeney

pressured their agency to give money to Yang for nonexistent

software. The sources also revealed that Feeney was aware that Yang

was employing a number of illegal aliens on State of Florida and

federal contracts.

 

Feeney's ties to Yang paralleled similar close ties to NASA.

Feeney's wife Ellen has worked as an engineer for NASA's Kennedy

Space Center since 1985. Jeb Bush ensured that Florida's 24th

Congressional District was redrawn so that Feeney would have an easy

time in his 2002 race against Democratic opponent Harry Jacobs.

According to Florida state officials, who spoke on the condition

anonymity, 500 Yang employees at the Kennedy Space Center were

paid for their time when they agreed to picket against Jacobs. In

addition, NASA administrator Sean O'Keefe, according to the same

sources, lobbied extensively for Feeney within NASA. In addition,

O'Keefe and his close friend and former Pentagon boss, Vice

President Dick Cheney, made campaign appearances for Feeney at the

Kennedy Space Center.

 

Feeney's close ties to Jeb Bush and Cheney paid off. In 2002, he was

elected to the U.S. House of Representatives in a race that also saw

the re-election of Jeb Bush. Early in " vote switch's " development

stages, Feeney had told Curtis that he wanted the program " made to

control Palm Beach " in 2002. Palm Beach County's Election Supervisor

was still the controversial Theresa LePore, nicknamed " Madam

Butterfly, " who designed the infamous " butterfly ballots " in the

2000 election. LePore had once been an employee of Saudi multi-

billionaire Adnan Khashoggi, a Saudi link that is tied to a huge

multi-billion tranche of money distributed throughout off-shore

trusts, accounts, and corporations with interlocking directorships

that are controlled by Bush interests in Houston. It was this Bush-

controlled money cache, originating in the East, and known in

Houston by the name " Five Star " and other cryptonyms that was,

according to U.S. intelligence insiders, used to fund the rigging of

the 2004 election.

 

When he arrived in Congress, Feeney was given a seat on the House

Science and Technology Committee, which oversees NASA's operations.

Feeney was also appointed to the important House Finance and

Judiciary Committees. He was also given a clean bill of ethical

health by Florida's Ethics Commission, a panel that has a Republican

majority.

 

After Feeney's ascension to Congress, Yang's questionable billing

activities with its Florida DOT contract came to the attention of

Ray C. Lemme, a seasoned senior investigator with the Florida DOT

Inspector General's Office and a combat veteran of the Vietnam War.

Lemme had a lot of evidence to suspect that Yang was overbilling the

DOT for " millions. " After discovering Yang's dirty laundry, Curtis

went to work for the DOT. Mavis Georgalis, the DOT's contracting

officer for the Yang contract, was also aware of improprieties with

the contract. As a result of pressure from the Florida State House,

both Curtis and Georgalis were eventually fired by the DOT

because of their complaints about the Yang contract. Someone was

obviously trying to send Curtis a message when, on August 14, 2002,

he discovered that someone poisoned his pet Pomeranian dog, Emily.

Lemme was forced to stop his official investigation of Yang for

similar reasons. However, he decided to continue an " unofficial "

investigation of Yang and its practices on the side. It was a

fateful decision.

 

According to DOT employees familiar with the Yang case, Lemme was

aware that it was Jeb Bush who personally shut down his

investigation of Yang. Lemme also leaked details concerning his

investigation to the Daytona Beach News Journal. The investigator

had previously requested a full audit of the Yang contract with the

DOT, a request that was denied. Lemme also became aware of something

else outside the framework of the DOT contract-that Yang had

been involved in producing a prototype vote switching program for

use with touch screen voting machines and that Tom Feeney was in on

the scam. The last time Clint Curtis spoke to Lemme, he remembers

the silver haired investigator excited about where his case was

leading. Lemme told Curtis that the cover up of Yang was coming

from " as high up as I could imagine " and that he had " proof " that

was " shocking. "

 

On Sunday, June 29, 2003, evidence indicates that Lemme drove from

Tallahassee to Valdosta, Georgia, the home of Moody Air Force Base.

A motel receipt indicated that Lemme checked in at the Knight's Inn

off Interstate 75 at 6:49 p.m. Lemme's wife said that her husband

left home for work on Monday, June 30, at 5:15 a.m., an hour earlier

than usual. According to a Leon County Sheriff's report, Lemme's

wife said she received a voice message after she returned home at

6:45 p.m. on Monday. The message was from her husband's supervisor,

Bob Clift, who informed her that earlier in the day, at 6:15 a.m.,

Lemme called into work, left a message, and said he would not

be coming to work that day. Clift said he was checking up on Ray

Lemme. Mrs. Lemme called Clift and told him that her husband was not

at home. Mrs. Lemme told police that her husband was working on

a " big case. " Mrs. Lemme filed a missing person report with the Leon

County, Sheriff's Office. Clift later determined that Ray Lemme made

his earlier call to work at 6:15 a.m., one hour after he supposedly

left his home for work, from a pay phone at the junction of

Interstate 10 and Highway 1 in Jefferson County, Florida.

Shortly after 11:00 a.m. on Tuesday, July 1, the maid assigned to

clean Lemme's room-132-received no answer when she knocked. The door

was locked. There was no response when the maid called the room's

telephone. The hotel manager then called the police.

 

The following is from the Valdosta Police Detective Report filed by

Detective Craig Spencer and dated July 1, 2003: " On July 1, 2003 at

approximately 1330 hours, I received a page advising me to be en

route to Knights Inn at 2110 West Hill Avenue in reference to an

unattended death. " When Spencer and other police officers and

detectives arrived at the motel, the manager told them that the

occupant of Room 132, Ray Lemme, was to have checked out by 11a.m.

The officers yelled through the slightly ajar door but received no

answer and they discovered the upper swing latch was locked. The

officers used a special tool provided by the motel to open the swing

latch lock. Spencer said that one of the officers entered the room

and found a suicide note and then proceeded to the bathroom where

Lemme was found dead in the bathtub. Police also discovered that

the inside of Lemmes's left elbow-the cubital tunnel-was slashed.

There were spurts of blood on the wall but no blood found on the

floor. A belt possibly used as a tourniquet and a double- edged

straight razor blade were found on the side of the tub. A bath

towel was unfolded and neatly placed on the floor next to the tub.

 

Later on July 1, the Georgia Bureau of Investigation Crime

Laboratory in Moultrie informed the Valdosta Police that based on

the " suicide " details, no autopsy would be performed on Lemme.

Unlike Florida, Georgia does not perform mandatory autopsies. A

doctor, with 25 years' clinical experience, who was interviewed for

this story claimed that the circumstances of Lemme's death appeared

to him to be a classic " mob hit. " If the Leon County Sheriff

missing person report is to be believed, it is clear that someone

other than Lemme checked into the Valdosta motel on Sunday evening

using his name. Clearly, the Leon County Sheriff's report contains a

number of details that directly conflict with facts found in the

Valdosta Police report. In addition, the Lowndes County, Georgia,

Coroner's report fails to indicate an estimated time of death based

on a full medical examination-it surmised that the time of death was

the same time as indicated on the suicide note: 8:10 a.m. on July 1.

 

An empty manila folder and a blank legal pad notebook were found on

the hotel room's desk along with an undated and unsigned suicide

note written on lined paper, which lacked any identifiable

fingerprints, from Lemme's day planner. The note merely contained

the time 8:10 a.m. with the following notation: " I love my family

(family underlined once) with all my heart. I am sorry. I am

depressed and in pain. Mary Ann (Lemme's wife), I love you. " ( " I

love you " underlined twice). It was certainly not indicative of a

person who was ecstatic that he was finally going to nail a long

investigation that involved vote rigging, overbilling, and fraud

abetted by the very top political leadership in Tallahassee.

Interestingly, the last number on Lemme's pager (an 850 960-XXXX)

ended with the number " 911. " It is also interesting that Lemme's

watch, when discovered by the police, was stopped at 12:34 p.m. on

June 30-a possible indication that Lemme was trying to convey the

time of a possible in extremis situation. Also, Lemme's Florida

driver's license was in his room while his wallet was in the glove

box of his car, which was parked in front of the room. Two motel

receipts were found in Lemme's room by the police. One was a check-

in receipt dated June 29 and timed at 6:44 p.m. The other was a

receipt, without a notation of check-in or check-out, dated June 30

and timed at 6:54 a.m. A witness told police that Lemme's car was

parked in front of his room on the afternoon of June 30.

 

Sergeant Eugene Bell of the Valdosta Police Department interviewed a

39-year old female guest who was staying in Room 236 over the

weekend. She and her daughter noticed three men standing in the

parking lot across from Lemme's room at 8 a.m. on the morning of

July 1. The behavior of the men made the guest suspicious enough

that the woman initially believed the men were engaged in a drug

deal. According to the police report, the camera used to photograph

the crime scene was later discovered to have a defect in the

flash memory card. The defect resulted in no usable photographs being

submitted with the official police report.

 

Lemme was no stranger to Florida politics. His wife, Mary Ann,

worked as a secretary for Martha Walters Barnett, a partner with the

politically-connected Holland & Knight law firm in Tallahassee,

where she specializes in campaign finance and election law and

government contracts. Another Holland & Knight partner, Ginny

Myrick, was appointed by Jeb Bush as the vice chair of the Florida

Community Trust, a state land acquisition and grant program.

Although officially a bipartisan law firm, even Democrats working

for Holland & Knight largely support Jeb Bush. In addition, Bill

McBride, Bush's Democratic opponent in the 2002 gubernatorial race

and a Holland & Knight partner who had defeated former Attorney

General Janet Reno in the Democratic primary amid reports of voting

irregularities from around the state, commented that his race

against Bush " may be the Democrats' race to lose. "

 

The NASA connection to the money trail that is linked to the

development of the vote switching program is of particular note.

When the first sketchy details of the vote switching operation

emerged, a Houston-controlled money tranche associated with an

offshore entity called Five Star Trust, registered in the Isle of

Man, was reported by high-level intelligence sources familiar with

past Bush-related covert activities to be behind the operation. Five

Star has been connected by these informed sources to have originated

in 1983, when deposed Philippine dictator Ferdinand Marcos,

Saudi billionaire Adnan Khashoggi, and then-Vice President George H.

W. Bush were allegedly looking for a repository for an estimated $3

billion in looted Philippine gold and gems. Since that time, Five

Star's accounts are said to funnel more funds from Saudi Arabia as

well as cash reserves hidden away in offshore artificial shells by

Enron before it collapsed. What is not yet certain is whether Sean

O'Keefe, the NASA administrator and close Cheney friend who

supported Feeney's and Yang's activities in Florida, facilitated

the transfer of Five Star funds from Houston to Cape Canaveral using

contract vehicles of both the Johnson and Kennedy Space Centers to

disburse the funds to the principal players. A NASA insider in Texas

said he has long suspected large amounts of money have been moved

into the United States and that these transfers involved NASA and

Saudi and Chinese money sources.

 

There is additional information that the election rigging principals

connected to the State of Florida and Jeb Bush may have also tried

to use contractors tied closely to state contracts to parlay the

touch screen software into Maine, which has proportional

distribution of its electoral votes by congressional district, and

Ohio, the key state in 2004. The information was provided by

insiders in Tallahassee who are close to offices involved in

procurement by the state government.

 

Sources close to U.S. intelligence pointed to a $29.6 million check

supposedly issued on October 22, 2004, by Laurentian Bank in

Montreal, Canada, that was rumored by intelligence circles to have

been used to pay for the technicians who developed the software to

rig the election. The computer voting machine technicians and

maintenance personnel involved with the rigging were reported to

have included Russians, Mexicans, and Brazilians.

 

According to Laurentian Bank, the check, a U.S. dollar " money

order, " is a bogus instrument tied to Nigerian scamming activities.

Laurentian Bank said that a U.S. dollar money order would never be

for amounts over $1,000 and any higher amount would be in the form

of a bank draft that would require the signature of two senior bank

officers. In addition, the bank would never use a cell phone number

(514-588-5569) on their checks. The payer on the " check, " Equity

Financial Trust of Toronto, is said by the Canadian Fraud

Office to be involved with Nigerian scammers. In fact, the Canadian

Office of the Superintendent of Financial Institutions reports that

Equity Financial Trust, Toronto, Ontario " may be violating

provisions of the Bank Act (Canada) or other Canadian financial

institution regulations " and " may also be conducting unauthorized

banking transactions in the United States. "

 

 

The payee on the " check, " Five Star Investments, Ltd., once

registered on the Isle of Man, is a Lexington, Kentucky-based entity

tied to Marion " J.R. " Horn, convicted in 2002 by Judge Joseph M.

Hood of the U.S. District Court for Eastern Kentucky for wire fraud.

He was also ordered to serve time in Buckner Federal Penitentiary,

North Carolina for a " mental study. " He eventually served an

unusually light 18-month sentence while on parole for another fraud

case. When interviewed by a researcher for this article, Horn

expressed surprise that the check his lawyer in Nassau was waiting

to clear a bank in New York, was, in fact, a fake. According to CIA

documents obtained from the U.S. District Court for the District of

Columbia, Five Star Trust may have, in fact, had a past relationship

with Horn. According to Offshorebusiness.com, Five Star Trust has

been linked with an " illegal " bank.

 

The connection of Enron money and Nigerian scammers to Five Star is

intriguing because of a September 23, 2004, Houston Chronicle report

that said Enron was involved in an off-the-books deal to invest in

Nigerian power generation barges. Tina Trinkle, a former Merrill

Lynch banker, said she was asked not to do the normal background

checks for such a business deal.

 

A former Justice Department prosecutor who investigated the Bank of

Credit and Commerce International (BCCI) said that the bogus check

and those responsible for it are typical " feints " used to mask

actual clandestine money movements from law enforcement

investigators. In addition, the former prosecutor said the purported

check lacked the necessary SWIFT codes in the numbers found at the

bottom of the check to facilitate the movement of money through

international financial networks. He said that in his experience as

a prosecutor, the name " Five Star Trust " came up in relation to the

covert activities of the Nugan Hand Bank, a CIA-connected activity

that was involved in covert activities in Australia and South East

Asia.

 

Five Star entities, active and dissolved, have been discovered in

the Isle of Man, the island of Nevis, the Bahamas, Florida,

Kentucky, and Texas. Other Five Star-related entities stored large

sums of money in the Cook Islands, according to U.S. intelligence

sources, and these funds were directly linked to Khashoggi and BCCI.

Khashoggi also approached top Nigerian leaders in 1982 to set up a

company there that would deal exclusively in minerals. According to

knowledgeable insiders, Khashoggi used a company called Triad to

hammer out lucrative international deals on precious minerals. In

1994, Five Star Investments, Ltd., the entity tied to Horn,

attempted to buy International Standards Group ISG), Ltd., a

consulting company based in Boca Raton, Florida. According to the

Palm Beach Post, Horn was the person who proposed the acquisition.

ISG was also the target of a bid by UMI, Inc., a mortgage banker

based in Coral Gables, Florida. The Palm Beach Post was never able

to determine the source of UMI's cash.

 

Phony checks are not the only telltale signs associated with some of

the various Five Star entities. Another bogus document, a bogus UN

customs declaration for a shipment to a " Counter Terrorist Unit " in

Lagos, Nigeria, was also obtained in the investigation of this

story.

 

Horn has had a running battle with the CIA over allegations that he

is owed money for his past activities on behalf of the agency.

Although Horn has produced a number of dubious documents to support

his claims, one of the names mentioned in documents filed in U.S.

court in Washington, DC is that of E. Warren Goss, an actual

attorney in Boulder, Colorado. It has not been established if E.

Warren Goss has any family connection to Porter Goss, the current

CIA director.

 

In a September 17, 2003, declaration by Marilyn A. Dorn, Information

Review Officer in the Directorate of Operations at the CIA, in

response to Horn's Freedom of Information Act request, it was

determined that the agency had no records containing the names " Five

Star Trust " or a reported subsidiary, " U.S. Mortgage and Trust

(Bahamas). " Dorn reported that no records containing references to

either entity were discovered but that two documents, cables- " field

traffic consisting of one and a half pages and eight partial lines

of message text, respectively, dating from the early 1980s " -were

responsive to Horn's request. It is interesting that the CIA

admits the time frame because the genesis of Five Star Trust was

1983, when, according to U.S. intelligence insiders, then-Vice

President Bush authorized a Boeing 747 with a special " carriage " to

airlift several tons of gold bars from Clark Air Force base in the

Philippines to LaGuardia Airport in New York.

 

The gold bars were then transported to the International Diamond

Exchange Vaults near Rockefeller Center. A CIA proprietary firm

called Oceaneering International of Houston was reportedly involved

in airlifting some of the gold from the Philippines, in addition to

sealifting the remainder to Oregon. After George W. Bush's victory

in 2000, the last of the gold in New York was moved to UBS Bank in

Zurich. Marcos and Khashoggi set about to create Five Star Trust in

1983 as a means to create a vehicle to use the Philippine wealth to

create and funnel fungible assets. In 1989, Five Star Trust was

officially established in the Isle of Man by a Houston-based

attorney who was a close friend of the Bush family.

 

The CIA's explanation of its decision to withhold the release the

two cables was partly based on the use of cryptonyms-artificial

words used as substitutes for the actual name or identity of

a " person, organization, or project. " The CIA statement

continues: " when obtained and matched with other information, a

cryptonym possesses a great deal of meaning for those who are able

to fit it into the proper cognitive framework. " The denial of

Horn's FOIA request also stated that the two responsive documents

could " reveal the existence or location of covert CIA field

installations in multiple foreign countries. " In addition, the CIA

stated that release of the documents in question would " reveal

specific and sensitive subjects in which the CIA is or was

interested. " Finally, disclosure of the requested documents was

denied because of " foreign relations. " The agency emphasized

that, " in carrying out its legally authorized intelligence

activities, the CIA engages in activities that if known by foreign

nations, could reasonably be expected to cause serious damage to

U.S. relations with affected or interested nations. "

 

The story of this corruption is nothing new. What is new is the

purpose. The use of this old and covert tranche of money for a

special Bush operation to deny the American people their right to a

free and fair vote was not the typical illegal sale of arms to a

terrorist nation, the overthrow of a foreign government, or the

payment of bribes to foreign potentates. It was a high crime in

every constitutional sense. The target was the American political

system and not just in 2004 but also in 2003, 2002, and 2000.

The scandal goes right up to the White House and the Governor's

Mansion in Tallahassee. It involves an extremely crooked Florida

national politician and other Florida state government officials.

And, as with all modern American political scandals, we have at

least one dead body, a number of whistleblowers and anonymous " Deep

Throats, " powerful but corrupt politicians, counterfeit and real

documents, con men, and a money trail tied to off-shore foreign bank

accounts.

 

People may wonder why a group of intelligence insiders would come

forward to a non-major media outlet with such tantalizing

information at this time. The corporate-beholden media cannot be

trusted to report such a news story. A common theme from all the

intelligence and ex-intelligence officials with whom I have

communicated is that George W. Bush made a major mistake in

attacking and purging the clandestine service of the CIA.

The " agency, " which extends far beyond the confines of Langley,

Virginia, is having its revenge. It has willingly exposed a portion

of a traditional clandestine CIA money route to expose the vote scam

that was used to ensure Bush's election.

 

The clues, for example, the bogus check, were conveyed to us as

exactly that-clues. Those markers pointed to the illegal nature of

the covert money flows. The connections between NASA contracts,

Texas, and Florida were additional clues to one of the major sources

of the money used for the vote rigging. There were a number of roads

that led to the same destination. But that is the nature of covert

intelligence. Some patriotic and brave people, who have served in

silence for a number of decades, have chosen their country over a

corrupt family and administration. It is now time for the

constitutional process to begin. Rectification of the criminal

conspiracy that denied John Kerry and John Edwards the White House

must begin in Ohio, and extend to Florida, California, Texas,

Georgia, and other states where votes were flipped by computers from

the Kerry to the Bush column. Past elections must also be

investigated and those who were done in by this fraud, namely,

people like Max Cleland, Gray Davis, Al Gore, and others must

also have their day in court.

 

Wayne Madsen is a Washington, DC-based investigative journalist and

syndicated columnist. He is the author of " Jaded Tasks: Big Oil,

Black Ops & Brass Plates. "