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http://atimes.com/atimes/Middle_East/GA27Ak05.html

 

Middle East

Jan 27, 2005

 

 

SPEAKING FREELY

Iran approaches a flashpoint

By Kam Zarrabi

 

Speaking Freely is an Asia Times Online feature that allows guest

writers to have their say. Please click here if you are interested in

contributing.

 

For what might my draft-age son be fighting? For whom will the bells

toll this time?

 

Seymour Hersh's article " The coming wars " in The New Yorker magazine

should not have surprised anyone. Iran has been in the crosshairs, and

remains there, ever since it was crowned as the biggest threat to

international peace and security by the Bush administration soon after

September 11, 2001.

 

President George W Bush, in his State of the Union address in January

2002, lumped Iran together with Iraq and North Korea as members of an

" axis of evil " , to be confronted in the United States' " war on

international terrorism " .

 

The real enemy, or the source of threat against the security of the

United States, was reconfirmed to be the al-Qaeda camp, headed by

Osama bin Laden, masterminding its operations from Afghanistan's

mountain strongholds. However, the September 11 attacks provided an

unexpected and highly welcomed opportunity for dormant power centers

to come together and join forces with a common agenda. The target was

broadened almost immediately to encompass the entire Middle East, and

later Islam as a whole, called militant Islam, of course, for

political correctness.

 

Organizations and think-tanks such as the Project for the New American

Century (PNAC), the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC),

the Washington Institute for Near East Policy and the Middle East

Forum, as well as many hardcore evangelicals, found in the national

tragedy the catalyst that brought them together in a crusade against a

common enemy. A true national tragedy was thus hijacked.

 

To summarize, this grand unified powerhouse consisted of three major

vectors of influence, not all aligned in the same exact direction, but

with enough in common to evolve into a united front.

 

First was the global projection of America's military and economic

dominance, the stated agenda of PNAC (read " American Empire " ). The big

fish floating in this think-tank include Vice President Dick Cheney,

Pentagon head Donald Rumsfeld and his deputy Paul Wolfowitz, Elliot

Abrams of the National Security Council, and several other

high-profile people who bear heavily on our foreign-policy decisions.

 

Second was the promotion and implementation of policies that, first

and foremost, served the interests of the Israeli government at

whatever cost to whomever, friend or foe. AIPAC, the most powerful

lobbying organization in Washington, after AARP, is the only foreign

lobby to become a favorite platform for America's top executives and

opinion molders, from the president on down to the influence-peddling

journalists, whenever matters of foreign policy are the issue.

 

The hardcore Christian Right, whose evangelical vision of global

salvation would, to follow biblical tradition, begin in the Middle

East, was the largest horse in the troika, in numbers, as well as in

appeal to the office of the commander in chief.

 

These unleashed forces found the American public, traditionally

uninterested and blissfully naive in international affairs, and now in

shock after September 11, ready and anxious to support a strong leader

committed to bringing the wrongdoers to justice and to eradicating the

global evil. These promises were given to the American people by the

president, promptly and in no uncertain terms. The next step was

targeting the wrongdoers, their supporters and the sources or the

breeding grounds of evil.

 

Call for retaliation

The American people, indeed the whole world, expected immediate and

massive retaliatory action against those who had committed such

blatant and bold savagery against innocent civilians on America's own

soil. The culprits were the same folks who were responsible for other

attacks on US targets in the Middle East and East Africa - bin Laden's

al-Qaeda network.

 

But that was clearly not enough; terrorists had to have sanctuaries in

areas where they could be sheltered and protected or tolerated by

tribes or regimes. Furthermore, some governments in the region more

than just sympathized with the terrorists' goals and objectives; these

regimes might even have provided material and strategic support for

such groups and facilitated their activities. It was, therefore, a

necessary part of the unfolding strategic planning to chart out the

states and regimes in the Middle East that could be regarded as safe

havens for terror groups, or which might be active supporters of

terrorists' agendas.

Each of the three main vectors of influence enumerated above promptly

jumped on the bandwagon and produced their respective target lists.

The so-called neo-conservatives, variously known as neo-cons, and

alternatively described as neo-crazies or neo-goons, are best

represented by the roster of the PNAC think-tank. The elite membership

here includes some rather strange bedfellows, but all sharing in one

basic principle: the global expansion of US hegemony by any means

possible, including unilateralism, disregard for international law,

and war.

 

The second phalanx, or the " Israel firsters " , many of them

neo-conservatives as well, wholeheartedly support the same thesis, as

long as any action taken serves the Israeli regime's regional

objectives, regardless of its costs to allies, including its

benefactor, the United States, or catastrophic regional side-effects.

 

Finally, the religious right, whose power and influence have been

steadily on the rise, provides the moral and ethical grounds in the

public domain to portray the crusade against evil as exactly that, a

Crusade with a capital " C " . Strong religious underpinnings

characterized the inaugural ceremonies of January 20. George W Bush

was uncharacteristically eloquent as he waved his magic wand,

promising once again to promote freedom and democracy and to fight

tyranny throughout the world. His well-rehearsed speech was punctuated

by references to god and divine justice, befitting a true crusader on

a Messianic mission. As he stood there accepting the responsibility to

lead the most powerful empire the world has ever seen, his sincerity,

commitment and resolve were never in doubt.

 

The president's resolve and commitments were never in doubt the first

time he took the oath of office, either. Neither were the

determination and resolve of the power brokers behind the mask of

power who could clearly see in the chief executive the perfect vehicle

for success in their respective missions.

 

The public response to the tragedy of September 11 was understandably

reactionary and volcanic. If 59 million voters indicated their

preference for the Republicans' management of the tasks at hand last

November, the numbers were far greater right after September 11, 2001,

literally endorsing any measure the administration would choose to

adopt against the perpetrators of that terrorist act.

 

The neo-cons and Israel-firsters and their cohorts and moles in the

departments of Defense and State and the National Security Council, as

well as among the personal advisors to the highest-ranking members of

the administration, began to quickly rise and shine in the new

atmosphere of fear and paranoia. It was time, they said, to seize the

moment to hit them, and to hit them hard. But hit whom, where, with

what, and in what order?

 

Targets identified

That answer was provided without delay: the enemy was militant Islam

in the Middle East. And, of course, the United States had a close

confidant and ally in that turbulent region that had always been

portrayed and sold to the US public as a reliable monitoring station

safeguarding America's strategic and security interests there -

Israel, of course. This " trustworthy " monitoring station didn't waste

any time to point to the various terrorist groups and regional states

that sponsored terrorism. The Israeli lobby had worked long and hard

to infiltrate the US Congress and every other agency or enterprise

that had widespread influence over public opinion and public policy.

It had been quite successful in establishing in the public mindset a

sense of moral equivalency between the United States and Israel. Both

nations were, according to the propaganda line, sharing in basic

values and aspirations; two nations half a world apart, but with one soul.

 

So, selling the idea that those who opposed Israel's regional

ambitions were at the same time opposed to America's interests was not

a difficult task at all. The State Department's list of terrorist

organizations includes Middle Eastern militant groups that have never

initiated or posed a threat to Americans or US interests. The regional

states who oppose Israel's policies and sympathize with the

Palestinian or Lebanese militants who have been thorns on Israel's

side have, by extension, been classified as sponsors of terrorism by

the US.

 

This list conveniently excludes some governments that, although among

the most blatant examples of tyranny and violation of human rights,

are considered friendly or compliant for various strategic reasons.

Saudi Arabia and Kuwait are America's strategic allies in regulating

the price and the flow of oil out of the Persian Gulf. Jordan has

always done as it has been told, and Egypt and Turkey have peace

treaties with Israel.

 

The action begins

That left Iran, Iraq and Syria for Israel to contend with. Lebanon has

been a de facto Syrian enclave, sharing Syria's fate, whatever it

might turn out to be. Of these remaining Israel antagonists, Iraq was

the most suitable target once the first logical target,

Taliban-controlled Afghanistan, was attacked and occupied. While the

assault on Afghanistan received relatively wide international support,

albeit for the wrong reasons, the premise for extending the " war on

terror " into Iraq was quite shaky at the start.

 

The invasion of Iraq was, however, pre-ordained as the first step in a

series of events that was to accomplish two major objectives: first

and foremost was to eliminate any and all resistance or opposition to

America's extended control over the region's vital resources; and

second, to defuse any and all challenges, existing or potential, to

Israel's security and military supremacy. The visionaries at PNAC had,

in fact, already produced the blueprint for the transformation of the

Middle East, beginning with the invasion of Iraq, some years in

advance of George W Bush's presidency.

 

With the US public ready and anxious for action, some justifiable

pretext had to be found to invade Iraq. However, the United Nations

team in search of Iraq's suspected weapons programs and stockpiles of

weapons of mass destruction (WMD) came alarmingly close to refuting

those allegations and defusing the tension. This didn't sit well with

the hawks in the administration, who refused to be deterred from their

long-awaited ambitious dreams.

 

It would be naive to believe that the US, British and particularly the

Israeli intelligence services were actually mistaken in their findings

regarding Iraq's nuclear and other weapons programs or stockpiles;

there couldn't have been such a grand intelligence failure. It would

be much more reasonable to assume that the facts about the

non-existence of such WMD were clearly established, just as the United

Nations team was about to report before their mission was suspiciously

aborted.

 

If there were, in fact, any doubts about Saddam Hussein's WMD, it

would have been militarily foolish to expose the US forces, or

Israel's population centers, to potential nuclear or chemical attacks.

The very real suspicions about North Korean nuclear-weapons

capabilities have already demonstrated why in that case caution and

diplomacy became the strategy of choice.

 

And now for Iran

This brings us to the current developments with regard to Iran and the

heightened state of alert that has been saturating the media,

especially since the president's inaugural address last week.

 

Accusations against the Iranian regime parallel those brought against

Iraq shortly before the actual invasion of that country by US forces.

These accusations can be split into three main categories: First is

the threat that a nuclear-armed enemy state could potentially pose

against the United States and its strategic interests elsewhere.

Second is the issue of Iran's alleged support for terrorist groups in

Middle East hotspots. Finally, it is the humanitarian concern over

Iran's treatment of its own citizens, particularly women and

minorities, and the general atmosphere of suppression of civil liberties.

 

These allegations constitute ample pretext for the Bush administration

hawks to put Iran on notice, as verbalized by the president and his

secretary of state-designate, Condoleezza Rice. She was not short for

words when questioned by senators during her confirmation hearings

about her views regarding the issue of US-Iran relations. In response

to Senator Joe Biden, she resorted to her usual rhetorical style of

stringing along a profusion of academically erudite yet contextually

vague phrases, simply echoing unsupported charges that have been

mouthed by her superiors. In her case, that is actually all that is

expected of her, and that is exactly how she acted in her capacity as

the president's national security adviser.

 

Here it is important to note that, just as was the case with Iraq,

suspicions, allegations and accusations do not require verification

and proof to justify action. When it comes to foreign policy, the

philosophy of this administration has been quite simple: do what you

want to do; rationalize it later. This has been a time-tested Israeli

model, now openly and, unfortunately proudly, adopted by the US

administration.

 

Those who mobilized anti-war demonstrations, gave speeches, wrote

books and created websites to reflect the perspectives of reason,

sanity and experience in world affairs did find a substantial

nationwide audience. However, the voices of reason, as welcome as they

were, had the same effect as singing to a chorus. Now it is Iran's

turn to become the subject of brilliant news analyses and debates

between pro-war and anti-war journalists and opinion gurus.

 

A well-intentioned scientist with vast experience in nuclear-weapons

technology and proliferation issues has been writing articles for a

prestigious anti-war website, pointing to the fact that Iran is far

from being able to develop a nuclear bomb. There is an international

consensus, outside of the US and Israel, that Iran, far from causing

agitation in neighboring Afghanistan and Iraq, has been quite helpful

in supporting the stability of those countries, even if for Iran's own

sake.

 

Iran's alleged support for terror organizations such as Hezbollah is

yet another guise, both in terms of what defines terrorism and what

constitutes support, that seems to suit the agenda at hand. And when

it comes to promoting democratic reforms and fighting tyranny,

injustice and violations of human rights, Saudi Arabia, Egypt and

China, among many others, are, as Biden pointed out to Rice, far more

deplorable than what we are accusing the Iranian regime of.

 

Are we forgetting that the invasion of Iraq was carried out with

similar pretexts or excuses? Iran is, of course, a much larger

country, with three times the population of Iraq and a terrain that

is, unlike Iraq, nearly as difficult as Afghanistan's. Short of an

all-out military attack from several flanks, followed by a massive

invasion, no military action or insurgency can do to Iran what was

done to Afghanistan or Iraq.

 

Surgical strikes at nuclear facilities by the Israelis, something that

the US vice president has already hinted at, will not even effectively

slow down any effort the Iranians might be making toward

nuclear-weapons development. Any such attack will result in three

outcomes: First, it will generate an even greater animosity toward the

perpetrators and will strengthen the hardliners' grip on Iran, thus

creating added obstacles for the reformists and pro-democracy

movements to achieve their goals. Second, efforts would then be

initiated or accelerated to acquire the ultimate weapon as a

deterrent, if not to use in retaliation at an opportune time. Third,

with its vast resources and great influence, the Iranian regime would

do what it is already accused of doing - supporting insurgencies and

creating as much trouble in the region against Israel and the US as

possible.

 

So why Iran?

So, what is the logic, if any, behind all the recently intensified

saber rattling from Washington? To answer that, we can believe the

official pronouncements that the administration is trying to sell to

the public, or an alternative version that risks the chance of being

labeled as too conspiratorial; make your own choice.

 

The official version:

1 The world cannot tolerate a nuclear-armed Iran.

2 Iran harbors and supports international terror organizations.

3 Iran intends to disrupt our efforts to bring peace and democracy to

the region.

4 Iran's mission is to destroy Israel.

5 Iran must go through a regime change, by military intervention if

need be.

 

There are some who might question the method of approach to defusing

the Iranian threat, but few in the United States would doubt that the

Iranian threat is real and that it must be dealt with. This perception

is not limited to political conservatives or Bush supporters; the

Democrats share equally in this view, as was clearly demonstrated by

their candidates during their presidential campaign speeches.

 

Nearly one-half of the US public is now aware, and to a degree

surprised, that the invasion of Iraq was based on a less-than-honest

appraisal of an Iraqi threat to America's security, and that it did

not unfold as promised by the administration. Having learned from

those mistakes, they now believe, the Iranian threat must surely have

been much more clearly verified, and any military action will

certainly be much better planned.

 

When the news of the death of talk-show host Johnny Carson occupies

all headlines for days on end, and the major debate in the public

domain is over which weight-loss diet works better, can we expect more?

 

Of course, if we accept certain conjectures as facts, the situation

and the strategies to deal with it cannot be challenged. These

pretexts, in addition to those enumerated above, include:

1 Iran is led by a group of turban-headed crazies.

2 Given the chance, they would not hesitate to destroy Israel, even if

it meant an assured total devastation of their own country and people.

3 Iran is rapidly developing its weapons of mass destruction,

including atomic bombs and long-range missiles, not for defensive

purposes, but to attack Israel and to threaten Europe and North America.

4 Since they are lunatics, the Iranian Islamic leaders believe they

will ultimately dominate the globe with their brand of fundamentalist

Islam.

 

If such conjectures sound too stupid to be taken seriously, just

listen to and read the same statements by some very high-profile

national figures, from such journalists as Charles Krauthammer to the

likes of House Majority Whip Tom Delay, or influential evangelicals

such as Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson, to the prolific conservative

radio talk-show hosts who influence the minds of millions on a daily

basis.

 

So, what might be an alternative view or interpretation of the current

state of heightened anxiety between the US and Iran? But first, a list

of facts on the ground that may illuminate some of Iran's concerns and

objectives:

1 The average Iranian, as any other human being anywhere else, would

prefer to live in a free and democratic society, in peace and with

guaranteed security. However, just as is the case in the United

States, when a nation is threatened by terrorism or military invasion,

whether real or perceived, many social liberties and democratic

aspirations or expectations may be put on hold, and in Iran's case,

kept on hold indefinitely.

2 More than social liberties and democratic reforms, economic

conditions play the most vital role in a nation's destiny. Sanctions

and economic pressures imposed on Iran do no more than postpone the

natural transition from a de facto theocracy to a more open civil

society. The perpetuation and intensification of animosities toward

Iran have been, and continue to be, the perfect recipe for further

legitimizing the position of the hardliners in Iran's sociopolitical

affairs.

3 Again, just as is the case in the United States,

ultra-conservatives, even radical religious fanatics, be it Tom Delay,

Billy Graham, or Ayatollah X Y Z at any given Friday sermon, do not

hate their own country, but see the best course for their respective

nations, each in their own way, as misguided as they might be.

4 Iran stands to gain nothing by posing a threat to Israel, unless, of

course, in self-defense. Any hostile act toward the West or the US

would mean a catastrophic end to all of Iran's hopes and aspirations

as a viable nation. Aggression has never been an Iranian agenda, and

would serve absolutely no purpose now.

5 Iran is a large country with some of the richest natural resources,

including the region's biggest natural-gas reserves - the energy

source of the future - rich oilfields, ore deposits and a growing

industrial infrastructure. The Iranians are a proud people, proud of

their national history and cultural heritage. They have shown resolve

and resiliency in the face of many historical upheavals, ancient and

recent, both foreign and domestic. Iran rightly expects to be

acknowledged as a consequential player in the affairs of the region.

Attempts to isolate and exclude Iran from any future designs for the

Middle East will inevitably result in an unstable imbalance.

6 Diplomacy between two nations, no matter how large or small in

relative terms, must be based on mutual respect, not as a dialogue

between a master and a subordinate.

 

Who stands to gain?

By perpetuating and intensifying the tension between the US and Iran,

who stands to gain? It is certainly not Iran; even the staunchest

hardliner or religious zealot would prefer to not rule over the dust

of a devastated nation. And it is certainly not the US, whose

interests can be much better assured through a rapprochement with a

strategically positioned and energy-rich Iran. A friendly Iran would

more than help secure the stability of the neighboring states and,

with certain security guarantees, would cease to be a concern as a

military threat to Israel or anyone else.

 

Why is it, then, that while Iran has been trying so many times and in

so many ways to demonstrate its openness toward a rapprochement with

the US, the response has been suspiciously cold and negative? Who

benefits from this arrogant defiance of common sense? It all started

by the grand unified troika galloping ahead with the mask of power.

 

But this is not where the case ends. The neo-con gang is quickly

coming to the realization that their ambitious designs for the

creation of a new American empire is neither good for the United

States, nor tolerated by America's allies in the West, or the rising

rival powers in the East.

 

Had the situation both in Afghanistan and in Iraq been resolved

expeditiously, the grand design for the conquest of the Middle East

would have followed without delay. The evangelical crusaders have

already accomplished more than they could have bargained for right

here at home. Both these sources of influence are looking at the next

presidential term four years away that will, more than likely, put the

damper on their dreams.

 

That leaves us with only one remaining culprit whose mission is

seemingly never-ending, and who has historically had the support,

sometimes covert and sometimes explicit, of Washington, regardless of

which political party has come to power. Now, with even the faintest

prospects for a mediated agreement between Israel and the

Palestinians, the border issues, the settlements, and the Palestinian

statehood, the Ariel Sharon government is finding things not going its

way. Nothing would serve the Likud regime's ambitious agendas more

than a continuation of strife and hostilities in the Middle East.

 

As long as the United States remains militarily engaged in the region,

Israel will enjoy an unquestioned level of support on all fronts,

financial, military and diplomatic. This is exactly why striking at

Iran's nuclear facilities, although a militarily fruitless act, will

be intended to provide added fuel for the regional turmoil to further

involve Iran and the United States in protracted antagonism and threats.

 

Any assault on Iran or Iranian targets would only benefit Israel. Can

the US escape this folly that promises to be the biggest quagmire it

has ever encountered? Can the US curb the pit-bull and, instead, do

for a change what is best for the United States?

 

Threatening to attack preemptively a sovereign nation the size and

significance of Iran in violation of all international norms should be

taken a lot more seriously by the US media than it seems to be. A

nationwide poll taken by America Online or CNN, where the participants

indicate their choice of whether or not to attack or invade Iran, just

as they choose which color car to buy next, brings the realities of

life and death to the level of virtual realities of computer games.

 

Humans do suffer and die by the tens of thousands, as well as those

American men and women sent to fight an enemy created in the domain of

virtual reality by pundits with their own ulterior motives, those

whose own blood or that of their children is never spilled in their

pursuits of grandeur.

 

May reason prevail.

 

Kam Zarrabi is a graduate of the University of California, Los

Angeles, in geology, exploration geophysics, advanced management,

economics. He was director general, Ministry of Economy, Iran, and

chief of the Bureau of Mines 1969-74. He undertakes research in

humanities: philosophy, cultural anthropology, archaeology,

comparative religion, cross-cultural studies and foreign policy

issues, and is a consultant in exploration geology for various mining

interests, as well as a freelance writer and lecturer on foreign

affairs, with emphasis on the Middle East.

 

(Copyright Kam Zarrabi, 2005)

 

Speaking Freely is an Asia Times Online feature that allows guest

writers to have their say. Please click here if you are interested in

contributing.

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