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Tuesday's Washington Post featured a major front page article (posted

below) on the growing controversy over genetically engineered wheat. The

article is titled "The Heartland Wrestles With Biotechnology."

 

CLEARLY THE BATTLE OVER BIOTECH WHEAT WILL BE THE MOST SIGNIFICANT

EVER FOUGHT IN THE HISTORY OF GENETICALLY ENGINEERED FOODS.

 

Biotech soy, corn, canola and cotton were introduced in the mid-1990's

when no one was really paying much attention. Now there is a growing

global debate over these controversial crops and the introduction of

genetically engineered wheat will be the grand battle of them all.

 

The Campaign to Label Genetically Engineered Foods has responded by

starting the Save Organic Wheat! coalition. We hope to have our

exceptional new web site for the Save Organic Wheat! coalition fully

function sometime in mid-to-late May. There is a lot of very complex and

costly software development going on for this web site. You can get a

sneak preview now at:

http://www.saveorganicwheat.org

 

All membership in the Save Organic Wheat! coalition will be FREE and

there will be four membership categories: Organizations, Businesses,

Farmers and Consumers.

 

Organizations, Businesses and Farmers will be able to list complete

contact information and write up to a 25-word description. Consumers

will be listed by name, city, state/province and country.

 

We will also have Save Organic Wheat! petitions both online and in paper

format. We will be encouraging you to actively circulate the petitions

and gather signatures. We need to let the U.S. and Canadian wheat

industries know they would be making a huge mistake by moving forward

with the introduction of genetically engineered wheat.

 

Monsanto has applied to both the U.S. and Canadian governments for

approval to commercially grow genetically engineered wheat. However,

Monsanto has said they will not introduce the biotech wheat until the

wheat industry agrees. So we need to make sure the wheat industry tells

Monsanto to hold off and that they are not ready for genetically

engineered wheat to be introduced.

 

The Save Organic Wheat! coalition will play a major role in making sure

the wheat industry gets the message that consumers and farmers are not

ready for the introduction of genetically engineered wheat.

 

We are still concerned that even if the wheat industry tells Monsanto

that they do not want the introduction of genetically engineered wheat,

Monsanto may start selling it to some farmers anyway after they receive

government approval. Monsanto's history indicates that you can not

always trust them to keep their word.

 

For example, in a lawsuit that Monsanto lost last year in Anniston,

Alabama, the company was found guilty of releasing tons of PCBs and

covering up its actions for decades. The jury found Monsanto liable on

all six charges it considered: negligence, wantonness, suppression of

the truth, nuisance, trespass and outrage.

 

Under Alabama law, the charge of "outrage" requires conduct "so

outrageous in character and extreme in degree as to go beyond all

possible bounds of decency so as to be regarded as atrocious and utterly

intolerable in civilized society."

 

Before the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) approves the commercial

growing on genetically engineered wheat, most likely there will be a

public comment period. The Save Organic Wheat! coalition will be

instrumental in generating massive amounts of comments to the USDA when

that time arrives.

 

As the saying goes, "the best defense is a good offensive." The Save

Organic Wheat! coalition will be taking an offensive role in making sure

organic wheat does not become contaminated from genetically engineered

wheat. The best way to prevent that from happening is to never allow

genetically engineered wheat to be planted commercially in the first

place.

 

The Save Organic Wheat! coalition does need financial support. Our

software development costs alone are nearly $10,000. And The Campaign to

Label Genetically Engineered Foods has never been shorter on money than

we are right now. So if you are in a position to make a donation to

either The Campaign or the Save Organic Wheat! coalition, please do so

now. You can make donations at either of these web pages:

 

The Campaign's "Our Supporters" web page:

http://www.thecampaign.org/supporters.php

 

Save Organic Wheat! donation web page:

http://www.saveorganicwheat.org/donation.htm

 

Thanks for your support!

 

The Washington Post article posted below is quite long, but it is worth

taking the time to read.

 

Craig Winters

Executive Director

The Campaign to Label Genetically Engineered Foods

 

The Campaign

PO Box 55699

Seattle, WA 98155

Tel: 425-771-4049

Fax: 603-825-5841

E-mail: label

Web Site: http://www.thecampaign.org

 

Mission Statement: "To create a national grassroots consumer campaign

for the purpose of lobbying Congress and the President to pass

legislation that will require the labeling of genetically engineered

foods in the United States."

 

***************************************************************

 

The Heartland Wrestles With Biotechnology

 

By Justin Gillis

Washington Post Staff Writer

Tuesday, April 22, 2003; Page A01

 

MANNING, N.D. -- In a bar in this hamlet on the great American prairie,

some wheat farmers gathered one night not long ago. They drove for miles

through blowing snow, and more than 50 of them packed the Little Knife

Saloon, doubling the regular population of Manning. They came to ask

questions about a new kind of wheat, and the more they heard from a

panel skeptical of the crop, the more their brows knitted in worry.

 

The wheat was created in a St. Louis biology laboratory, through genetic

engineering. It is meant to benefit farmers, but a lot of people in the

room fretted that it would put them out of business.

 

"Nobody has really found out if this stuff is safe," declared Steven

Pollestad, who drove 30 miles from his family farm near Halliday and

stood at the back, thumbs hitched in his jeans. "The foreign buyers have

flat out said they won't buy it. And I believe they won't."

 

In the states that grow the fabled amber waves of grain that symbolize

America's heritage of plenty, the most plentiful commodity these days is

trouble.

 

For the first time in its decade-long push to win acceptance of

genetically altered crops, Monsanto Co. of St. Louis faces significant

opposition from farmers. Across the northern Great Plains and

neighboring Canada, skepticism toward a forthcoming Monsanto product,

called Roundup Ready wheat, has solidified into a political movement.

Some farmers are so worried they want their state governments to wrest

authority from federal regulators and adopt formal moratoriums on the

crop.

 

The opposition, based largely on fear that foreign buyers will reject

gene-altered wheat, potentially costing American and Canadian farmers

vital markets, has only a few symbolic victories and several substantive

defeats to show in statehouses and provincial legislatures so far. The

critical decisions on whether to approve it still rest with regulators

in Washington and Ottawa. But already, candidates have won elections by

emphasizing their opposition to biotech wheat. And, facing a revolt not

only from farmers but from a wary American food industry, Monsanto has

been forced into a tactical retreat, stretching its timetable and

issuing a long list of promises about how it would commercialize the

product.

 

"We're pursuing a very diligent path of dialogue," said Michael Doane,

Monsanto's director of industry affairs. "Over time, it has affected our

strategic approach."

 

By no means does the opposition movement command unanimous allegiance in

farm country -- the issue has split farmers, farm organizations and

legislatures in at least four states and two Canadian provinces, with

the pro-biotech side plausibly claiming majority support among farmers

in most of those places.

 

But the strength of the opposition has provoked a rollicking debate.

Roundup Ready wheat is emerging as a key test of whether the

biotechnology industry can take charge of the destiny of a major crop

used primarily as food, something it has yet to accomplish despite

successes in other crops.

 

And the fight is becoming a prime symbol in another way, too. As genetic

science creates opportunities to manipulate the plants and animals

people eat, associated battles are migrating out of Washington. In the

next few years, state and even local governments will confront new kinds

of crops, as well as gene-altered animals and even a genetically

engineered salmon. Some of these products require state permits before

they can be commercialized, and many state and local governments will

hear demands to keep them out. The new biology, in other words, is

coming soon to state legislatures and county commissions across the

land.

 

The change is already evident in North Dakota and neighboring states,

where legislators and some ordinary citizens now speak knowledgeably

about such matters as genetic drift and pollen flow. The movement has

fed on the deep suspicion of corporate ethics sparked by recent

scandals. Pollestad, that Halliday farmer, captured the mood in a letter

to the editor of the Grand Forks Herald. He noted that Monsanto was

continuing to press for quick federal approval of its wheat despite its

go-slow promises, and he called on North Dakota lawmakers to give

citizens a voice in the decision.

 

"Or, we could let Monsanto decide," he wrote. "And maybe we also could

get Enron to run our utilities and Arthur Andersen to keep the books."

 

Recouping an Investment

The crop technology that many companies, led by Monsanto, are pushing to

develop these days is an outgrowth of the vast genetic knowledge pouring

from the world's research laboratories. Scientists are becoming

increasingly adept at manipulating plants and animals in a way nature

does not, moving genes across species to confer new traits.

 

Most research suggests such organisms are safe to eat, but a host of

theoretical questions remain about the environmental risks, such as the

possibility of creating new types of weeds or pests. That concern, plus

lingering uncertainty about health effects, has led to a broad

opposition movement, particularly in Europe and Japan.

 

In the long run, the technology offers potential benefits consumers may

want, such as foods to cut the risk of heart disease or cancer. But the

crops that have come to market first are primarily designed to benefit

farmers by giving them greater control over weeds and insects.

 

Monsanto has been in the vanguard, developing varieties of corn,

soybeans and cotton that resist worms and other insects. The company's

biggest success, though, has been with crops designed to exploit another

of its products, an herbicide called Roundup. This popular chemical

kills weeds efficiently, does no harm to people or animals and readily

breaks down in the environment.

 

But Roundup kills conventional crops as well as weeds, so farmers mostly

used it to prepare their fields for planting. Monsanto scientists set

out in the 1980s, using genetic engineering, to develop crops resistant

to Roundup. "Roundup Ready" crops have proven wildly popular, saving

farmers labor. Monsanto competitors brought similar products to market.

 

Not long after the crops were commercialized in the United States, in

the late 1990s, a European backlash began, featuring "Frankenfood"

headlines and warnings about manipulating nature. American farmers lost

corn sales to Europe, but growing demand in other markets took up the

slack. Neither corn nor soybeans is primarily a human food crop -- corn

is largely fed to farm animals, and after the oil is squeezed out, so is

most soybean meal. Cotton, of course, is used to make cloth.

 

Despite these successes, Monsanto has yet to recoup its huge investment

in biotechnology, so the company needs new products. It is trying to

conquer the fundamental cereal of Western diets -- wheat.

 

On past experience, the company counted on ready farmer acceptance. But

wheat farmers are highly dependent on foreign markets, particularly

Japan, and follow them assiduously. And wheat, as it happens, is grown

in a part of North America with a long tradition of political activism

among farmers, who battled banks and grain monopolies early in the 20th

century, a populist tradition that persists.

 

Moreover, the people who run Monsanto had never met Tom and Gail Wiley.

 

Money-Minded Opposition

The Wileys are wheat, soybean and cattle farmers who live on a windswept

farmstead at the end of a long gravel road in southeastern North Dakota.

They met in Berkeley, Calif., many years ago, and Tom Wiley confesses to

some counterculture dabbling in his youth.

 

But the Wileys are conventional, not organic, farmers, and have been

more or less comfortable using pesticides and other aspects of modern

farm technology since they began working Tom Wiley's family homestead in

the 1970s.

 

In the late 1990s, events unrelated to the biotechnology industry

politicized the Wileys. The federal government promulgated a

crop-insurance program and then changed the payout rules after farmers

had already bought their policies, a bait-and-switch that infuriated the

Wileys. They led a farmer coalition that sued the government, won, and

eventually got an act of Congress passed to correct the problem.

 

As that battle was winding down, the Wileys began hearing about Roundup

Ready wheat. They'd already had one bad experience with biotech crops --

some high-grade soybeans they grew to make tofu somehow got adulterated

with a small amount of Roundup Ready soybeans, probably from a

neighbor's field, and buyers overseas balked.

 

What would happen, the Wileys wondered, if Monsanto commercialized

Roundup Ready wheat and foreign buyers suddenly grew skittish about the

American crop amid fears of adulteration? They talked to other farmers.

Even if falling prices led growers to abandon the Monsanto product, the

reputation and marketability of U.S. wheat might be permanently damaged,

the farmers reasoned.

 

A political movement was born. At lightning speed, it won a huge victory

when the lower house of North Dakota's Legislative Assembly passed a

moratorium in 2001 on Roundup Ready wheat. Shocked, Monsanto and

pro-biotech farm groups descended with lobbyists, and the state Senate

turned the moratorium into a mere study. But when the company and farm

groups began surveying major buyers of wheat, they found strong

resistance to the biotech crop, especially overseas.

 

Sitting in their farm kitchen not long ago, the Wileys recalled their

surprise as they built alliances with environmental outfits like

Greenpeace that have traditionally taken a dim view of conventional

farming. "I think all my life I've been an environmentalist," Gail Wiley

said, her voice dropping as she added, "even though you don't say that

too loudly around here."

 

If environmental factors influenced the Wileys' thinking, other people

in North Dakota looked at the issue in strictly dollars-and-cents terms,

and came out equally opposed to Roundup Ready wheat on the grounds the

marketplace just was not ready for it.

 

As the rebellion grew, Monsanto bowed to political reality, pledging a

slew of steps that the company contends will protect existing markets.

Meeting all the milestones will effectively delay Roundup Ready wheat to

2005, if not later. Assuming Monsanto keeps its word, the farmers have

gained a two-year moratorium without having to pass one into law.

 

Doane, the Monsanto industry-affairs officer, has plied North Dakota on

the company's behalf. At his suggestion, a group of skeptical farmers,

not including the Wileys, boarded a Monsanto plane in December and flew

to St. Louis to talk to company leaders. The discussion was mostly calm,

but Louis Kuster, a grower from Stanley, N.D., and a member of a state

commission that promotes wheat sales, said he took offense when a

company executive, Robb Fraley, seemed to imply that farmers opposing

Monsanto might be advancing the agenda of radical environmental groups.

 

"At that point I countered, and I did raise my voice a little bit and I

was a little bit angry, and I looked right straight at him and he was

only about five feet away from me, and I said, 'You're not talking to

the Greens here today,' " Kuster recalled. " 'We're money people. We

need to make money, too.' "

 

'Who Can You Trust?'

Gripping the wheel of his pickup truck on a chilly North Dakota morning,

an affable man named Terry Wanzek pointed with pride to the several

thousand acres of fields that make up his family farm. Wanzek, squarely

in the pro-biotech camp, acknowledged that the market risks cited by

opponents are real. But as he showed off his farm's spotless

grain-handling system, he declared the problems manageable.

 

Besides, Wanzek said, what kind of message would it send to a biotech

industry investing billions in new technology if the very customers the

companies are trying to benefit, farmers, respond by kicking them in the

teeth?

 

People on Wanzek's side of the issue generally take the view that

Monsanto's go-slow promises can be believed, and they also take

seriously a decade of rulings from the Environmental Protection Agency,

the Food and Drug Administration, and the U.S. Department of Agriculture

declaring biotech crops safe.

 

"If you can't trust EPA and you can't trust FDA and you can't trust

USDA," Wanzek said as his truck crunched its way down gravel roads, "who

can you trust?"

 

This is Monsanto's position, too -- that federal regulators will make

the right decisions. But the company has been forced to acknowledge

that, whatever Washington and Ottawa decide, the risk of overseas

rejection is real. Monsanto has lately papered the Great Plains states

with brochures outlining how it will proceed.

 

For starters, the company said it will wait until the United States,

Canada (the nation's largest competitor in selling wheat) and Japan (its

largest customer, most years) approve the crop. And the company said it

will help institute "appropriate grain handling protocols" to keep

biotech wheat separate from regular wheat. Monsanto acknowledges that

total separation of the crops in fields, combines and grain bins is

impossible but argues that adequate separation can be achieved.

 

Doane, the industry-affairs director, said Monsanto will honor those

commitments. "We've put it in black and white," he said. But distrust of

Monsanto runs deep enough in the Great Plains that politicians who

support the company can pay a price.

 

Wanzek isn't just any farmer -- he was, until recently, the Republican

chairman of the Senate agriculture committee in North Dakota's

citizen-legislature. His committee was largely responsible for killing

the biotech-wheat moratorium in the last legislative session. He was

defeated by a Democrat last November in a campaign in which his support

for biotech crops became a major issue. "The wheat deal, I think, did

cost me some votes," he said.

 

Wanzek's opponent, April Fairfield, was one of at least three

legislative candidates to use opposition to Roundup Ready wheat as a

signature campaign issue. All won.

 

Fairfield has failed so far to win a moratorium. Lawmakers also turned

down a related measure to shift legal liability to companies like

Monsanto if their crops taint nearby farms. Similar legislation has

stalled in Montana, South Dakota and other states where wheat revolts

are underway. Republicans, many of whom initially supported the North

Dakota moratorium, have closed ranks to defend the technology, largely

because of Monsanto's promises.

 

Passions remain high. As Fairfield described her winning campaign and

her losing attempts at lawmaking, in an interview in the basement

cafeteria of the North Dakota Legislative Assembly in Bismarck, a fellow

named Lance Hagen, executive director of the North Dakota Grain Growers

Association, ambled by.

 

"Biotech or bust, baby!" he declared. "That's our motto."

 

Unlikely Allies

Past midnight on a summer's evening three years ago, Larry Bohlen walked

out of a Safeway supermarket in Silver Spring toting $66.32 worth of

taco shells and other corn products. By the time Bohlen, director of

health and environment programs at Friends of the Earth, and his allies

in the environmental movement were done having the corn products tested

for adulteration, they had forced American food and biotech companies

into a recall costing hundreds of millions of dollars.

 

A biotech corn called StarLink, meant only for animal consumption, had

made its way into the human food supply through sloppy grain handling.

The incident foreshadowed another mishap last year, in which corn

genetically engineered to grow a pig vaccine nearly made its way into

food.

 

The problems have made large American food companies exceedingly nervous

about biotechnology. More than half their products in the United States

contain biotech ingredients, particularly lecithin or protein made from

Roundup Ready soybeans, and they live in fear that some contamination

incident will provoke a U.S. consumer backlash.

 

"Right now, public acceptance of biotechnology in America is relatively

high," Betsy D. Holden, co-chief executive of Kraft Foods Inc., said in

a recent speech in Arlington. "But how many more times can we test the

public's trust before we begin to lose it?"

 

The food industry has been publicly skeptical of Roundup Ready wheat.

Behind closed doors, according to three people privy to the discussions,

the industry has been far blunter with Monsanto and its biotech allies.

"Don't want it. Don't need it," one person said the message has been.

 

The food companies have been killing smaller biotech crops like potatoes

and sugar beets for several years. Knowledgeable people say the food

companies have essentially told Monsanto they will try to kill Roundup

Ready wheat if the company moves forward, asking suppliers to accept

only conventional wheat.

 

At the same time, the food companies are under political pressure from

biotech supporters on Capitol Hill not to come out publicly against

gene-altered crops. That makes for a volatile situation where it is hard

to predict exactly what the food companies will do until the wheat is

approved.

 

Out on the Great Plains, farmers skeptical of the crop are hoping the

food companies come down as allies, but they are not counting on it.

Their efforts stalled in state legislatures, the farmers recently

petitioned the Agriculture Department for a full environmental and

economic assessment of Roundup Ready wheat before the government grants

approval.

 

Some farmers acknowledge that Monsanto will probably win approval

eventually but say they're looking for any stalling tactic they can

find.

 

"I feel that we have accomplished something, in that it's slowing up the

process so that more thought can go into it," said Kuster, the farmer

from Stanley, N.D. "The slower it goes, the more chance it has of

getting done right."

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