Guest guest Posted September 3, 2003 Report Share Posted September 3, 2003 study by psychologists on mental health of devotees, the conclusion they reached...devotees(men more then women) are better mentally adjusted then the average person, happier then the average person, and the longer a devotee has been a vaisnava, the better the mental health, and the happier they become. ever increasing bliss, as the Shastra insists. --------------------------- EFFECTS OF ACCULTURATION INTO THE HARE KRISHNA MOVEMENT ON MENTAL HEALTH AND PERSONALITY Using the Mental Health Inventory and the Comrey Personality Scales, we evaluated mental health and personality differences arising from differences in acculturation into the Hare Krishna movement for 132 males and 94 females with up to 18 years of membership and a mean time of 8.6 years. Subjects were volunteers from eight U.S. sites and averaged 30 years old. The degree of acculturation, a measure of religiosity, was defined by a specially developed scale and ranged widely across the sample. Personality traits were mostly invariant with acculturation, and those traits on which the Hare Krishnas differed from the norm group may be prerequisite to membership rather than being its consequences. Mental health was also largely invariable with acculturation, except that greater degrees of acculturation were associated with greater subjective well-being. Alternatives were explored to the hypothesis that increased religiosity benefits mental health. THEORETICAL BACKGROUND Great controversy exists over the psychological impact of membership in nontraditional religions or "cults," with arguments and data suggesting consequences ranging from positive (e.g., Galanter et al. 1979) to negative (e.g., Singer 1979). The Hare Krishnas have been the subject of vigorous contention (e.g., Conway and Siegelman 1982; Ross 1983a), and alleged Hare Krishna "brainwashing" was at issue in a court case where the Society for the Scientific Study of Religion and others voiced their opinions (George v. ISKCON 1988). The research reported here is a continuation of an on-going investigation of the mental health and personality of 132 male and 94 female Hare Krishna volunteers with an average of 8.6 years in the movement, sampled from eight U.S. sites (Weiss 1985,1987; Weiss and Comrey 1987a, 1987b, 1987c). Prior quantitative studies have been severely limited by both methodology and scope so that it is not possible to characterize Hare Krishna mental health or personality on the basis of these reports (Kutty et al. 1979; Levine and Salter 1976; Rochford 1982; Ross 1983a, 1983b, 1985; Stones 1980; Stones and Philbrick 1980). Ross's work, the most extensive of these, examined 42 persons in Australia and found no mental health defects. The present series of inquiries uses the 180-item Comrey Personality Scales (CPS) (Comrey 1970a, 1970b, 1980) which measure eight personality traits,[1] and the 38-item Mental Health Inventory (MHI) (Ware et al. 1979; Veit and Ware 1983)which provides an overall Mental Health Index hierarchically divided into eight scales (Table 1). The MHI is a measure of psychological well-being and distress in general populations (N = 5,089). Factor analysis has confirmed the applicability of the CPS to this study's Hare Krishna sample (Weiss and Comrey 1987a). The most prominent and surprising finding was the hallmark feature of the Hare Krishna personality: a strong compulsivity trait in both genders (Weiss and Comrey 1987b). With this exception, the average CPS scores of both sexes were within the normal psychological range. On the MHI, Hare Krishna and general population women did not differ significantly (Weiss 1987), and Hare Krishna men differed from norm men solely in a significant elevation of their positive feelings of well-being. Well-known theories argue that religion furnishes meaning and purpose to life, is associated with greater self-reported health and happiness (e.g., James 1902), and counters anomie and depression (Stack 1981,1983). Arguments that meaning can be found outside religion are also well-known (e.g., Ellis 1971). The literature generally provides minimal or no empirical support for finding religion either a positive or a negative factor in mental health (e.g. Bergin 1983; Chamberlain and Zika 1988; Lea 1982; Sharkey and Maloney 1986) or personality (e.g., Sanua 1969; Weiss and Comrey 1987a), although some have found that religion accounted for a small positive increase (2-6% variance) in subjective well-being (e.g., Witter et al. 1985). Bergin et al. (1988) concluded that for the many studies done, the underlying phenomena and principles were inconclusive, so that the debate over the role of religion in mental health has been unresolved. The religiosity measures used in the literature could be improved by expanding their definitions to include multiple dimensions (e.g., Lea 1982; Steinitz 1980). For example, the limitations of one popular measure, frequency of religious attendance, have been discussed by Levin and Markides (1986), who suggested additional variables. The present study tried to use an improved measure specific to this sample by defining a religiosity variable based on the observation that the Hare Krishna culture is inextricably tied to religion. Religiosity as used in this study thus measures the degree of religio-cultural involvement, including changes in lifestyle, behavior, and belief arising from resocialization, indoctrination, and immersion into the Hare Krishna movement. These integrated effects can be termed acculturation (Taft 1962). A question on which we sought to shed some light is whether or not the Hare Krishnas' mental health and personalities are adversely affected by greater degrees of involvement or acculturation into their religious life, as is contended by some critics (e.g., Conway and Siegelman 1982), or if they respond either with a small positive increase in well-being or with no increase at all, as do members of traditional religions reported in the literature. It would appear that if cult involvement were detrimental, it would be salient in those who have become most absorbed in the cult. We compared differences in the MHI and CPS scores of members with different degrees of acculturation into the Hare Krishna movement to determine the relationship of acculturation to mental health and to personality, respectively. THE ACCULTURATION INDEX, A MEASURE OF RELIGIOSITY Design, validation, and reliability of the Hare Krishna acculturation instrument has been detailed by Weiss (1985:73-93). The coefficient alpha for the sample (N = 226) was 0.93. The acculturation index, AI, was computed by an algebraic formula from a self-report inventory of 53 items that measured the degree of immersion into the Hare Krishna religion (Weiss 1985:310-325). Most items had seven response choices, and each choice generally had a different acculturative weight in the formula. Contents included: dietary habits, marriage and sexual practices, child naming and education, donation of time and money to their temple, preaching involvement, dress styles, music and reading material, media listening and viewing habits, social and family life, formal religious activities and attendance, private religious and secular beliefs, and drug or substance use. Acculturation at one end of the scale was measured against United States general population members who reported no immersion into the Hare Krishna movement (AI = 1.0), and at the other end, against the maximally immersed hypothetical Hare Krishna devotee who faithfully follows the tenets of the religion (AI = 7.0). Hypothetically, substantial numbers of the general population who are not Hare Krishnas can have AI values of 1.40 to 1.80, if they practice vegetarianism, high frequency of prayer, etc., up to a possible maximum score of 2.25 (Weiss 1985). Hypothetical constructs for differing degrees of acculturation resulted in expert judges' estimating "weak" members or "sympathizers" to score about 3.00, "moderate" members about 5.70, and "strong" devotees about 6.95 on the AI scale. For the sample, the AI range was 3.24 to 6.92, M = 6.09, SD = .76. The AI was not gender-related, nor was it related to length of time in the movement, which ranged from a few months to 18 years. Increased time exposure did not assure increased acculturation. METHODS Since this study continues the analysis of the same Hare Krishna sample reported previously in the literature, certain methodological considerations have already been discussed and are only referenced here. Subjects and data collection procedures are described in Weiss (1987). Comparison of Hare Krishna and normative group demographics for the CPS are in Weiss and Comrey (1987b), and for the MHI are in Weiss (1987). Study limitations are found under Data Sample Procedure and Generalizability in Weiss and Comrey (1987b). Data Analysis Both MHI and CPS score associations with the AI, by gender, were examined as each inventory's scales served separately, in turn, as the dependent variable in a multiple regression analysis. Each regression progressed hierarchically through linear, quadratic, and cubic polynomials of the variable AI as warranted by the proportion and significance of variance (p < .05) accounted for at each level. MHI Comparisons for Low and High Acculturation Groups Differences in MHI scores between subjects with low and high AI were studied by trichotomizing the entire Hare Krishna sample and choosing a "high AI " group and a "low AI " group (defined below), separated by a mid-range group. Those of each gender, in both the low and high AI groups, were compared to their MHI norm counterparts using independent two-way t tests. Multiple comparison methods of Tukey (Hopkins and Glass 1978) and Dunnett (Roscoe 1975) were used to examine selected differences (p < .05). Definitions of High and Low AI Groups. The choices for the high AI and low AI groups were based on the frequency distribution of AI values for the sample and on the need to include sufficient numbers of both sexes in each group. The high AI group comprised those at or above the median of the sample, 6.32, while the low AI group included all below 5.90. Examination of the AI frequency polygon showed that 5.90 represented a critical change area as the region of lower AI values was rapidly entered from higher values. The low AI group had 22% of the sample (33 males with AI scores between 3.24 and 5.86 [M = 4.90, SD = .76] and 17 females with scores between 3.30 and 5.89 [M =4.89, SD = .94] ). The high AI group had 50% of the sample (58 males with AI scores between 6.34 and 6.86 [M = 6.57, SD = .14] and 55 females with scores between 6.32 and 6.92 [M = 6.58, SD = .17]). There was no significant difference in AI between sexes in either the high or low AI group. Also, neither high AI gender differed significantly in age from its MHI norm counterpart. Other AI range trichotomies were possible. The intent was to provide two sufficiently distant AI groups so that MHI scores with relatively low and high AI values could be compared. Means of the two groups chosen, about 4.90 and 6.57, appeared to be sufficiently far apart for the range and frequency of the sample.[2] The AI mid-range spanned 5.90 to 6.32 and was above the construct of 5.70 for the "moderately" acculturated member. Part of the low AI group thus included some members with moderate values of AI. This would tend to reduce rather than enhance any differences between groups based on AI. Data Response Bias Personality inventories are highly susceptible to response biases such as lying and socially desirable responses, particularly if proper instructions are given in how to fake answers (Krahe 1989). Remedies suggested are: a separate scale to detect response bias (including social desirability), the use of lie scales, the examination of scale intercorrelations, and care in giving instructions and motivation. The CPS has randomly distributed among its items the Validity (V) scale to measure lies and irregular responses and the Response Bias ® scale which includes social desirability. In addition, there are detection methods available which use the frequency of item response categories and statistics of relative scale values (Comrey 1980). Each subject's data and results were examined by Comrey to detect faking or distortion. No anomalies were found. Scale intercorrelations were also examined in the factor analysis and no peculiarities were observed. The printed instructions on the data booklet, entitled "General Information Form," stated that information gathered in the study would be "of substantial benefit to the Hare Krishna Movement (ISKCON) in providing the public with a better understanding of the Movement, its devotees, and congregational members." Each form had an anonymous code number. The MHI was in the package, and its printed title was "Form Two (Quick Version)." The first author solely administered all forms in one session to about 60 persons who had arrived at the Los Angeles temple for a scheduled early morning theology class. According to Comrey (1980) and Krahe (1989), responses are more likely to be honest if taking the test is perceived to be in the subject's interest. Accordingly, a free CPS personality profile was confidentially offered if a stamped self-addressed envelope with the code number was mailed to the first author. From around the country, 27.4% of the subjects responded. Their CPS scores were no different from those of the rest of the sample, except that they showed more trust and egocentricity and less compulsivity. RESULTS CPS Variation with Acculturation Female scores showed a linear increase on the CPS P-scale with increasing AI, accounting for 8.6% of the variance (p < .005). The other nine CPS scales showed no significant differences for females. Males showed linear increases in scores with increases in Al (% variance): R scale = 4.6% (p < .02) and P scale = 9.1% (p < .001). Also, AI accounted for 12.3% of the variance in the O scale, which represents compulsivity, with linear and cubic components (p < .001). This appeared as a U-shaped curve, with the compulsivity scores high at both ends and low in the mid-range of AI values. The AI range was 3.24 to 6.86 (M = 6.03) with the low point of the "U" at AI = 4.8. CPS O-scores varied over a substantially large range equal to 1.14 SD of the O-score mean. Male scores on the other seven CPS scales did not change significantly with AI. MHI Score Variation with Acculturation For women, the General Positive Affect score increased in the direction of greater mental health as the cube of AI (4.3% variance, p < .05). No other significant relationships for women occurred on the remaining eight MHI scales. For men, significant relationships were found on the five positive attribute scales of the MHI, where each of these measures increased linearly with AI in the direction of greater mental health (% variances): Mental Health Index = 3.2% (p < .05); Psychological WeR-Being = 7.5% Well-Being < .001); General Positive Affect = 6.7% (p < .005); Emotional Ties = 10% (p < .001); and Life Satisfaction = 5.8% (p < .005). MHI Comparisons for Low Acculturation Groups Hare Krishna women of the low AI group scored significantly lower on Life Satisfaction than did MHI normative group women: 55.3 versus 66.6, t(1,529) = - 2.1 (p < .05). (All MHI scales are 0 to 100 units with quantities of the factor measuring greatest at 100.) No significant differences were found between women of the low AI group and the MHI norm women on the other eight MHI scales. Like the women, low AI Hare Krishna men received significantly lower scores than did norm men on Life Satisfaction: 58.8 versus 68.0, t(1,237) = - 2.6 (p < .01). They also scored in the direction of decreased mental health relative to MHI males on Emotional Ties (60.3 vs. 72.3), t(1,238) = - 2.9 (p < .01) and on Loss of Behavioral/Emotional Control (16.8 vs. 12.0), t(1,238) = 2.5 (p < .02). There were no significant differences between the male groups on the other six MHI scales. MHI Comparisons for High Acculturation Groups High AI Hare Krishna women received higher scores than did MHI norm women on Psychological Well-Being (70.7 vs. 65.0) and on General Positive Affect (70.7 vs. 63.4), using the Tukey and Dunnett tests (p < .01). These two scales are highly correlated: r = .98 (Veit and Ware 1983). No significant differences were found on the other seven MHI scales for women. Like the women, high AI men scored significantly higher in the healthier direction than did norm men on Psychological Well-Being (73.8 vs. 66.3) and on General Positive Affect (73.8 vs. 64.3), using the Tukey and Dunnett tests (p < .01). No significant differences were found between high AI men and the norm men on the other seven MHI scales. Post Hoc Comparisons of Low and High AI Groups on the MHI The low AI males and females were each compared, post hoc, with their high AI counterparts on those MHI scales for which high AI subjects had higher mental health scores than did low AI subjects. The results of this comparison for males are in Table 1. High AI males received significantly higher scores than did low AI males on all five positive attribute scales. For females, scores on one scale, General Positive Affect, increased with increasing AI, while low AI females received significantly lower scores than did high AI females (59.1 vs. 70.7), t(60) = - 2.3 (p < .05). DISCUSSION Personality Differences with Acculturation Hare Krishna women demonstrated no significant differences in personality with AI differences, except for an increase (8.6% variance) on the CPS P (Empathy vs. Egocentrism) scale which was shared by the men (9.1% variance). These increases are within the normal CPS range and imply tendencies toward increased concern for other people, to become more involved in missionary work, and possibly to use altruism as a socially acceptable replacement for withdrawing from the secular arena in which some may feel that they cannot succeed. These findings for women imply that greater or lesser degrees of immersion into the Hare Krishna religion are not associated with abnormalities in personality. Males and females both had no significant personality differences with differences in AI on seven CPS scales. Since there were no differences on the T (Trust vs. Defensiveness) scale, it is suggested that the somewhat low trust of others by the Hare Krishnas measured with this scale (Weiss and Comrey 1987b) is not a consequence of acculturation into the movement, but either existed prior to joining the movement or was a necessary condition of maintaining membership. The male R (Response Bias) score increase with AI (4.6% variance) was small and within normal bounds (Comrey 1980; Weiss and Comrey 1987c). Very high R scores could be indicative of an invalid record. The relative number of Hare Krishna male scores that were in the upper stanines of the it-score distribution was not significantly different from that of the CPS norm group, nor from those of other valid groups studied by Comrey (1980:69). Lower R scores are often associated with negative self-image or guilt leading to self criticism, while higher R scores within the normal range are associated with a more positive self-image. Hence, by contrast, more highly accultured members with greater self-esteem could receive higher scores on the R scale than would those with lower acculturation. This would be consistent with the result that high AI males' scores were higher on mental health than were those of low AI males. The compulsive personality trait of the Hare Krishnas as a group is invariant with acculturation for females, but differs for males with different degrees of acculturation (12.3% variance). One hypothesis for this U-shaped relationship is that highly compulsive males may choose to direct their energies into either spiritual or secular domains, which would either increase or decrease their acculturation, respectively. Males with the lowest drive energies would tend to be relatively low achievers in both secular and spiritual domains. Their AIs would not be as high as that of those whose greater compulsive energy is utilized in religious tasks, but would be higher than that of the secularly directed who tend to devote the least time to religion; they would thus fall in the mid-range of AI values. The constancy of female compulsivity with acculturation is hypothesized to arise from their primary lack of choice to enter the secular domain, since the movement's tenets require them to assume the traditional role of homemaker, involving them with internal or temple activities rather than with outside commerce and work. This is congruent with prior findings that the Hare Krishna females have CPS personality traits similar to those of traditional American females of the 1960s, with the notable exceptions of compulsivity and trust (Weiss and Comrey 1987b). Mental Health as a Function of Acculturation The degree of acculturation into the Hare Krishna movement for women had no significant association with MHI measures, except for a modest enhancement (4.3% variance) on the General Positive Affect subscale with greater acculturation. For Hare Krishna men, the results were more pronounced, as they exhibited a significant increase in their Psychological Well-Being scores with greater acculturation (7.5% variance). Although a decrease in Psychological Distress scores could ordinarily be expected to accompany increased well-being, no significant change occurred in this scale with increased acculturation. A similar result, termed the "positivity effect," for the entire male sample relative to the MHI male norm group has been described in an analysis where acculturation differences were not considered (Weiss 1987). Hare Krishna men appeared not to suppress their negative feelings of distress but reported elevated feelings of well-being. Comparisons of MHI scores of the high and low AI groups to the MHI group means could be useful in evaluating the hypothesis that greater cult involvement (as measured by higher acculturation) is associated with decreased mental health, as feared by some (e.g., Conway and Siegelman 1982), and that less acculturation is more likely to be associated with normal mental health. Our results suggest the contrary. High AI groups for both genders reported significantly greater well-being than did their respective MHI norms, while not reporting significantly less distress than did the norms (a positivity effect). Also, low AI group scores on a few subscales were significantly lower than were the MHI norms. Furthermore, if greater acculturation were associated with lesser mental health, we probably would not have found another result: A comparison of MHI scores between the high and low AI groups showed a strong positivity effect, as Hare Krishna men with Greater acculturation reported significantly greater mental health than did those of lower acculturation, while women reported a weaker positivity effect. A Hare Krishna might argue that increased well-being is a divinely granted reward to those who are most devoted to their religious practice (e.g., Bhaktivedanta 1972:834-835). Of course, social scientific hypotheses also deserve consideration. One hypothesis is that the use of denial as a defense mechanism increases with greater personal religious commitment and ultimately reinforces approved religious actions through cognitive dissonance. This would involve unconscious denial of the alternative (a lack of increase in well-being with increased immersion), since this would represent an unacceptable personal failure to achieve rewards expected with increased religious practice. This denial, however, would seem to apply only to positive feelings, since devotees of higher acculturation do not appear to deny their negative feelings of psychological distress as they simultaneously report more feelings of well-being, when compared to those of lower acculturation and the general population. It may be, however, that denial is indeed active and that if it had not been, the reported distress would have been greater than normal. CONCLUSIONS AND HYPOTHESES Excluding compulsivity, Hare Krishna personality traits appear to be invariant with degree of acculturation, except as noted, and remain within the normal range. Yet, compulsivity may be prerequisite for sustaining membership rather than being acquired through some process of the movement over time. This is consistent with the finding that acculturation is not associated with length of time in the movement. For the cross-section studied, no evidence was found that adverse personality traits are associated with greater acculturation into the movement. Mental health was not associated with differences in acculturation, except that highly acculturated Hare Krishna men (and women to a lesser extent) reported significantly greater well-being than did their general population norms or lesser acculturated peers (a positivity effect). Also, scores of the lesser acculturated group did not differ significantly from those of MHI norm group, except on a few of the MHI subscales where they were significantly lower. The association of higher acculturation with greater mental health does not necessarily indicate that increased religiosity benefits mental health, or vice versa. It may simply be that those joining the movement with greater mental health are emotionally more stable, physically healthier, and function better interpersonally to achieve their goal of intense religio-cultural practice, while those experiencing psychological difficulties are less able to do so and thus remain closer to their original culture. This hypothesis would be consistent with the positivity effects for Hare Krishnas compared on acculturation, and may also help explain the positivity effect relative to the MHI general population. Those few who elect to leave the general population and their families to seek deep immersion into the unfamiliar lifestyle of a controversial minority undergo considerable acculturative stress and may require the more positive emotional qualities associated with greater mental health to surmount this difficult transition and to succeed in this minority lifestyle. Hence, those more successful at acculturating may have originated from that segment of the general population with greater mental health, so that their scores may be significantly higher than those of the MHI general population. Alternatively or concurrently, a feedback process may occur. Those with greater mental health may be able to fulfill better the tenets of their religion, thereby receiving approval from authorities, peers, and self. This may increase their feelings of self-worth and lead to still greater contrast in relative mental health. Another mechanism might be an increased acculturation into religion as a therapeutic strategy that helps resolve emotional difficulties and thereby enhances mental health. Curative features may include immersion into a family or organizational social structure, rewards of mastery, narcissistic mirroring, and authorities as ego ideals and parental surrogates. The features of social involvement that usually serve mental health are not restricted to churches and religious settings and may occur in such settings as the home, workplace, or school. On this basis, significant differences in mental health would not be expected between those who succeed in one setting as opposed to another. This would be consistent with the literature's conclusion that religiosity and mental health are not associated, since those who do not seem to be as religious would have other settings in which to foster sound mental health. Another explanation for the reported lack of association between religiosity and mental health is that norms such as those used in the MHI are based on populations whose religiosity is already comparable to that of those being tested. This would be consistent with the fact that religiosity measures are generally non-specific for religion. However, the acculturation index, which is specific for the Hare Krishnas, adds substantial scope to the usual dimensions of non-specific religiosity. These increases in the dimensions of religiosity may have influenced the finding that greater degrees of acculturation were significantly associated with increased subjective well-being. Non-specific measures may not have produced the same result. In sum, the effects of acculturation or religiosity on the mental health and personality of the Hare Krishnas studied appear in most ways comparable to those reported for persons involved in the more traditional religions: Associations are minimal or nil, except that significantly greater subjective well-being is associated with greater acculturation. [1.] Trust vs. Defensiveness (T); Orderliness vs. Lack of Compulsion (0); Social Conformity vs. Rebelliousness ©; Activity vs. Lack of Energy (A); Emotional Stability vs. Neuroticism (S); Extraversion vs. Introversion (E); Masculinity vs. Femininity (MI; Empathy vs. Egocentrism (P). [2.] These two groups differed significantly in acculturation from each other and from the entire sample (N = 226). TABLE 1 COMPARISON OF LOW AI AND HIGH AI HARE KRISHNA MALES ON THE MENTAL HEALTH INVENTORY[a] Low AI High AI[c] (3.24 to 5.86) (6.34 to 6.86) Mean Mean MHI Scale SD SD Mental Health Index 74.7 80.1 13.0 10.1 Psychological Well-Being 63.1 73.8 18.2 13.7 Emotional Ties 60.3 75.0 29.2 19.3 General Positive Affect 63.1 73.8 17.7 14.3 Life Satisfaction 58.8 69.3 22.9 18.8 MHI Scale t(89)[d] Mental Health Index t = -2.2[*] Psychological Well-Being t = -3.2[***] Emotional Ties t = -2.9[***] General Positive Affect t = -3.1[***] Life Satisfaction t = -2.4[**] [a] The Mental Health Index is hierarchically divided into two scales: Psychological Well-Being (Anxiety, Depression, Loss of Emotional/Behavioral Control subscales plus two items). No significant differences were found between these groups on the scales not listed in this Table. n = 33. [c] n = 58. [d] Non-directional t-tests for independent groups. [*] p < .05 [**] p < .02 [***] p < .01 REFERENCES Bergin, A. E. 1983 Religiosity and mental health: A critical reevaluation and meta-analysis. Professional Psychology: Research and Practice 14(2):170-84. Bergin, A. E., R. D. Stinchfield, T. A. Gaskin, K. S. Masters, and C. E. Sullivan 1988 Religious life-styles and mental health. Journal of Counseling Psychology 35:91-8. Bhaktivedanta, A. C. S. P. 1972 Bhagavad-gita as it is. New York: Collier Books. Chamberlin, K. and S. Zika 1988 Religiosity, life meaning and wellbeing: Some relationships in a sample of women. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 27(3):411-20. Comrey, A. L. 1970a Comrey personality scales. San Diego, CA: Educational and Industrial Testing Service. * 1970b Manual for the Comrey personality scales. San Diego, CA: Educational and industrial Testing Service. * 1980 Handbook of interpretations for the Comrey personality scales. San Diego, CA: Educational and Industrial Testing Service. Conway, F. and J. Siegelman 1982 Information disease: Have cults created a new mental illness? Science Digest (Jan.): 86-92. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 27(3):411-20. Ellis, A. 1971 The case against religion: A psychotherapist's view. New York: Institute for Rational-Emotive Therapy. Galanter, M. R. Rabkin, J. Rabkin, and A. Deutsch 1979 The Moonies: A psychological study of conversion and membership in a contemporary religious sect. American Journal of Psychiatry 136:165-70. George v. ISKCON 1988 Brief Amicus Curiae of the Society for the Scientific Study of Religion, et al. Court of Appeal, California 4th Civil No. D007153. Hopkins, K. D. and G. V. Glass 1978 Basic statistics for the behavioral sciences. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. Krahe, B. 1989 Faking personality profiles on a standard personality inventory. Personality and Individual Differences 10(4):437-43. Kutty, I. N., A. P. Froese, and Q. A. F. Rae-Grant 1979 Hare Krishna movement: What attracts the western adolescent? Canadian Journal of Psychiatry 24:604-9. James, W. 1902 The varieties of religious experience. New York: Longmans, Green. Lea, G. 1982 Religion, mental health, and clinical issues. Journal of Religion and Health 21(4):336-51. Levin, J. S. and K. S. Markides 1986 Religious attendance and subjective health. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 25(1):31-40. Levine, V. S. and N. E. Salter 1976 Youth and contemporary religious movements: Psychosocial findings. Canadian Psychiatric Association Journal 21:411-20. Rochford, E. B. Jr. 1982 Recruitment strategies, ideology, and organization in the Hare Krishna movement. Social Problems 29(4):399-410. Roscoe, J. T. 1975 Fundamental research statistics for the behavioral sciences. (2nd ea.) New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Ross, M. W. 1983a Clinical profiles of Hare Krishna devotees. American Journal of Psychiatry 140(4):416-20. * 1983b Mental health and membership of the Hare Krishnas: A case study. Australian Psychologist 18(1):128-9. * 1985 Mental health in Hare Krishna devotees: A longitudinal study. American Journal of Social Psychiatry 4:65-7. Sanua, V. D. 1969 Religion, mental health, and personality. A review of empirical studies. American Journal of Psychiatry 125(9):97-107. Sharkey, P. W. and H. N. Malony 1986 Religiosity and emotional disturbance: A test of Ellis's thesis in his own counseling center. Psychotherapy 23:640-1. Singer, M. T. 1979 Coming out of the cults. Psychology Today (Jan.):72-82. Stack, S. 1981 Religion and anomie in America. The Journal of Social Psychology 114:299-300. 1983 The effect of the decline in institutionalized religion on suicide, 1954-1978. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 22(2): 239-52. Steinitz, L. Y. 1980 Religiosity, well-being, and weltanschauung among the elderly. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 19(1):60-67 (March). Stones, C. R. 1980 Personal religious orientation and Frankl's will-to-meaning in four religious communities. South African Journal of Psychology 10(1-2):50-2. Stones, C. R. and J. L. Philbrick 1980 Purpose in life in South Africa: A comparison of American and South African beliefs. Psychological Reports 47:739-42. Taft, R. 1962 Adjustment and assimilation of immigrants: A problem in social psychology. Psychological Reports 10:90. Veit, C. T. and J. E. Ware Jr. 1983 The structure of psychological distress and well-being in general populations. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology 51(5): 730-42. Ware, J. E. Jr., S. A. Johnston, A. Davies-Avery, and R. H. Brook 1979 Conceptualization and measurement of health for adults in the health insurance study. Vol. 3, Mental Health (Rand publication no. R-1987/3-HEW). Santa Monica, Calif.: Rand Corporation. Weiss, A. S. 1985 Mental health and personality characteristics of Hare Krishna devotees and sympathizers as a function of acculturation into the Hare Krishna movement. Dissertation Abstracts International 46:8B. 1987 Psychological distress and well-being in Hare Krishnas. Psychological Reports 61:23-35. Weiss A. S. and A. L. Comrey 1987a Personality factor structure among Hare Krishnas. Educational and Psychological Measurements 47:317-28. * 1987b Personality characteristics of Hare Krishnas. Journal of Personality Assessment 51:399-413. * 1987c Personality and mental health of Hare Krishnas compared with psychiatric outpatients and 'normals'. Personality and Individual Differences 8:721-30. Witter, R. A., W. A. Stock, M. A. Okum, and M. J. Haring 1985 Religion and subjective well-being in adulthood: A quantitative synthesis. Review of Religious Research 26:332-42. ~~~~~~~~ ARNOLD S. WEISS[*] RICHARD H. MENDOZA[*] [*] Arnold S Weiss is a research and clinical psychologist at 14105 Summertime Lane, Culver City, California 90230. Richard H. Mendoza is an associate professor at the California School of Professional Psychology, Los Angeles, CA 90057. Quote Link to comment Share on other sites More sharing options...
son_of_erin2000 Posted March 7, 2008 Report Share Posted March 7, 2008 interesesting study. no openion,but still interesting. Quote Link to comment Share on other sites More sharing options...
Malati dasi Posted March 7, 2008 Report Share Posted March 7, 2008 I take note of this: CONCLUSIONS AND HYPOTHESES Excluding compulsivity, Hare Krishna personality traits appear to be invariant with degree of acculturation, except as noted, and remain within the normal range. Yet, compulsivity may be prerequisite for sustaining membership rather than being acquired through some process of the movement over time. This is consistent with the finding that acculturation is not associated with length of time in the movement. For the cross-section studied, no evidence was found that adverse personality traits are associated with greater acculturation into the movement. Mental health was not associated with differences in acculturation, except that highly acculturated Hare Krishna men (and women to a lesser extent) reported significantly greater well-being than did their general population norms or lesser acculturated peers (a positivity effect). Also, scores of the lesser acculturated group did not differ significantly from those of MHI norm group, except on a few of the MHI subscales where they were significantly lower. The association of higher acculturation with greater mental health does not necessarily indicate that increased religiosity benefits mental health, or vice versa. It may simply be that those joining the movement with greater mental health are emotionally more stable, physically healthier, and function better interpersonally to achieve their goal of intense religio-cultural practice, while those experiencing psychological difficulties are less able to do so and thus remain closer to their original culture. This hypothesis would be consistent with the positivity effects for Hare Krishnas compared on acculturation, and may also help explain the positivity effect relative to the MHI general population. Those few who elect to leave the general population and their families to seek deep immersion into the unfamiliar lifestyle of a controversial minority undergo considerable acculturative stress and may require the more positive emotional qualities associated with greater mental health to surmount this difficult transition and to succeed in this minority lifestyle. Hence, those more successful at acculturating may have originated from that segment of the general population with greater mental health, so that their scores may be significantly higher than those of the MHI general population. Alternatively or concurrently, a feedback process may occur. Those with greater mental health may be able to fulfill better the tenets of their religion, thereby receiving approval from authorities, peers, and self. This may increase their feelings of self-worth and lead to still greater contrast in relative mental health. Another mechanism might be an increased acculturation into religion as a therapeutic strategy that helps resolve emotional difficulties and thereby enhances mental health. Curative features may include immersion into a family or organizational social structure, rewards of mastery, narcissistic mirroring, and authorities as ego ideals and parental surrogates. The features of social involvement that usually serve mental health are not restricted to churches and religious settings and may occur in such settings as the home, workplace, or school. On this basis, significant differences in mental health would not be expected between those who succeed in one setting as opposed to another. This would be consistent with the literature's conclusion that religiosity and mental health are not associated, since those who do not seem to be as religious would have other settings in which to foster sound mental health. Another explanation for the reported lack of association between religiosity and mental health is that norms such as those used in the MHI are based on populations whose religiosity is already comparable to that of those being tested. This would be consistent with the fact that religiosity measures are generally non-specific for religion. However, the acculturation index, which is specific for the Hare Krishnas, adds substantial scope to the usual dimensions of non-specific religiosity. These increases in the dimensions of religiosity may have influenced the finding that greater degrees of acculturation were significantly associated with increased subjective well-being. Non-specific measures may not have produced the same result. In sum, the effects of acculturation or religiosity on the mental health and personality of the Hare Krishnas studied appear in most ways comparable to those reported for persons involved in the more traditional religions: Associations are minimal or nil, except that significantly greater subjective well-beingis associated with greater acculturation. Malati: The jury is still out! The study does not show a direct correlation that acculturation in the Hare Krishna makes one "happy". I believe there is still room for improvement within the devotee communities in the WEST for a more balanced approach to social interactions within devotees. However, I take exception to this from the same study: The compulsive personality trait of the Hare Krishnas as a group is invariant with acculturation for females, but differs for males with different degrees of acculturation (12.3% variance). One hypothesis for this U-shaped relationship is that highly compulsive males may choose to direct their energies into either spiritual or secular domains, which would either increase or decrease their acculturation, respectively. Males with the lowest drive energies would tend to be relatively low achievers in both secular and spiritual domains. Their AIs would not be as high as that of those whose greater compulsive energy is utilized in religious tasks, but would be higher than that of the secularly directed who tend to devote the least time to religion; they would thus fall in the mid-range of AI values. The constancy of female compulsivity with acculturation is hypothesized to arise from their primary lack of choice to enter the secular domain, since the movement's tenets require them to assume the traditional role of homemaker, involving them with internal or temple activities rather than with outside commerce and work. This is congruent with prior findings that the Hare Krishna females have CPS personality traits similar to those of traditional American females of the 1960s, with the notable exceptions of compulsivity and trust (Weiss and Comrey 1987b). Malati: I wonder what fosters this kind of environment? I lived in an ISKCON ashram in 1982 and this is one of the reasons I left, among other most important reasons , which is too long to mention here. Radhe Radhe Quote Link to comment Share on other sites More sharing options...
Recommended Posts
Join the conversation
You are posting as a guest. If you have an account, sign in now to post with your account.
Note: Your post will require moderator approval before it will be visible.