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The introduction is short this time because, this issue,

you're getting two

extracts from my 1996 book 'Healing the Hurts of Nations',

and that's

enough from me! It concerns Serbia and its psycho-history.

Rather apposite

at this point in time. While this material is now four years

old, the

details, but not the issues, have changed.

 

The book is available for free download at

http://www.isleofavalon.co.uk/healhurt.html . It is also

serialised in

digestible weekly chunks on email, and a new cycle of

sendings starts early

in May. To , email me, Palden, during April, at

palden, writing ' HHN' in the

subject line. Please

tell anyone who might be interested. And it's free!

 

With love

Palden

editor, AvalonArticulates

 

------------------

 

Two excerpts from

Healing the Hurts of Nations

by Palden Jenkins

published online on the Glastonbury Archive

http://www.isleofavalon.co.uk/archive.html

 

 

 

50. When nations fall ill: Serbia

 

Here we are looking at an example of the

national-psychological workings of

national identity. The self-image Serbia adopted around

1990, under the

leadership of the nationalist Slobodan Milosevic, prompting

the breakup of

the Yugoslav federation, proved to be very destructive. This

was not just

ordinary nationalism - there was serious national

insecurity, with historic

vengeance and deep power issues behind it. My purpose here

is to identify

points and trends in Serbia's history where the hurts giving

rise to these

feelings were laid down in national unconscious and

semi-conscious memory.

 

Yugoslavia was a cross-national federal state founded in the

aftermath of

WW1, on the downfall of the Habsburg and Ottoman empires -

both of which

bordered each other in what became Yugoslavia. Difficulties

prevailed in

the inter-war years, with democracy failing and a monarch

taking power.

After WW2 Yugoslavia was reconstructed by a Croatian, Josip

Broz Tito, a

leader in the nationalist resistance war against the

occupying Nazis.

Tito's idea had been to cement the multinational state of

Yugoslavia in the

internationalist spirit of the socialist ideal. The trouble

was, the whole

region had suffered long foreign domination, with no love

for foreign

powers. Tito eventually died in 1980, age 88. The nation

moseyed along

uncomfortably until the Soviet withdrawal from eastern

Europe in the late

1980s. The global Cold War geometry dissolved. Then the

trouble began.

 

The field was open for any taker: Milosevic, a former senior

state

apparatchik, rang old bells by playing up Serbian

nationalism, seeking to

captivate a dormant Serb patriotic groundswell in an

otherwise vacuous

political atmosphere. Serbs were worried that their future

might be

dominated by Croats, or that Serb minorities in other

regions would be

abandoned to the whims of other ethnic groups. Franjo

Tudjman of Croatia,

himself talking up Croatian nationalist insecurities,

portrayed Serbia as a

threat to Croatia. Slavonia and Macedonia withdrew from

Yugoslavia to avoid

the brewing conflict and Bosnia, Kosovo and Montenegro

quaked in

understandable indecision and fear.

 

Serbia lacked a separatist agenda of its own - it had been

the dominant

partner in the federation. At first it sought to preserve

the federation.

However, other Yugoslav states variously possessed a

separatist agendas of

their own: they wanted autonomy from Serb domination -

though breaking up

Yugoslavia was not initially on the agenda. Milosevic of

Serbia raised the

flag of expansionist nationalism - a Greater Serbia -

levelling it first

against the autonomous region of Kosovo. Kosovo, south of

today's Serbia,

had been the Serb heartland around the 11th century. In more

recent

centuries it had been populated by Albanian and Macedonian

Muslims who, by

1989, formed 90% of the Kosovo population. However, the

Serbs saw it as

their historic right to hold on to Kosovo.

 

The Serbs, up to the +900s, lived in a peripheral hill

enclave spanning

Kosovo and parts of eastern Bosnia. It was a hide-away. In

medieval times

Serbia gradually became a sizeable power, enlarging itself

out of the

fluctuating and underpopulated territories of neighbouring

Hungary,

Bulgaria and Byzantium.

 

Serbia had not been a nation as such - more a confederacy of

tribes sharing

a common Russian origin and occupying a common home. Serbia,

as a

recognised state, was founded in the 1000s by Michael of

Zeta. Papal

recognition was, to Serbs, an important political

distinction, helping them

fend off Byzantine expansionism. But Serbia disintegrated

into tribal areas

again on Michael of Zeta's death, after being thrashed by

the Byzantines in

1123. The hill-and-valley landscape of much of Yugoslavia is

very amenable

to such disintegrations. After a decline of Byzantine power

around 1180,

Serbia was re-forged as the statelet of Rascia under Stefan

Nemanja, whose

successor Stefan II reigned until 1228. However, this state,

as was common

across Europe at the time, was forged by the actions of a

top-heavy

nobility. Nobles formed the power-structures which forged

states out of

less-defined tribal areas - they often owed their positions

to powerful

overlords or monarchs in reward for loyalty or services

rendered.

 

This power of the nobility proved to be questionable,

inasmuch as the

fortunes of European states became dictated by the fortunes

and ambitions

of nobles, by their henchmen and by power-intrigues at royal

courts. Many

nobles were foreign to the places they dominated. Political

developments

were conducted over the heads of most people. For ordinary

people the

benefits of statehood were mixed. Statehood meant taxes,

impositions, loss

of local power and breakdown of secure social relationships

and commonweal.

Such is the story of most European states. Medieval

disenfranchisement in

Europe became a source of great internally-generated social

pain - pain

which has fed many conflicts ever since.

 

In Serbia there was an historic medieval battle of interests

between

western-oriented (Catholic) and eastern-oriented (Orthodox)

nobles and

magnates. Most ordinary people were pagan and

locally-aligned. Alignment to

the Catholic or Orthodox orbits endowed a state with

higher-level political

legitimacy and security - the church brought literacy, law

courts, appeal

mechanisms, constitutional legitimacy and economic as well

as religious

advantages. The Catholic-Orthodox schism was a forerunner to

later

West-East divisions - the divide between western liberal and

eastern

autocratic nations in the 1700s-1800s or the Iron Curtain of

1945-90. And

many of these Euro-divides affected Serbia.

 

The Serbian Orthodox church was established in 1219 by St

Sava, in reaction

to the Pope's recognition of the western-oriented king

Stefan II of Serbia

in 1217. Popular adoption of Orthodoxy was partially a

protest against the

monarchy's alignment to Catholicism. Thereafter, religion

and denomination

became a touchy issue to Serbs. This was a critical time in

the weaving of

Serbia's future. Surrounded by powerful, manoeuvring

neighbours, Serbs

developed an instinctual aversion to dominant foreign

powers. The tribal

confederacy of old transitioned into a feudal state with a

controlling

nobility, and peasants slowly became serfs serving growing

estates. A money

economy and trading cities grew - with the customary

immigration of German,

Jewish and other businessfolk and artisans who spread

themselves across

Europe at the time.

 

This infrastructural development represented a breakthrough

for Serbs.

Nationhood was being forged, giving an element of autonomous

security.

Psychologically, this is a bit like a nation's initiation

into adulthood.

This brought with it identity-issues which had not existed

in the preceding

tribal order. Tribes tend to exist for themselves, with

their customs,

mythologies and lineages. But nations demand new identities,

mythologies

and regalia which give increased definition to what the

nation *is not* (in

relation to surrounding nations). This is an erection of

protective walls

and borders, a creation of armies and armed aristocracies.

However, such a

development also involved an uncomfortable importation of

foreign

influences and a betrayal of older tribal allegiances and

structures, much

to the loss of the ordinary people. Nobles, educated outside

ordinary local

social circles, cared little for the social integrity of

their fiefdoms. To

them, society was a resource for levying feudal dues,

raising fighting men

and building objects of power.

 

In Serbia's case, pressures from neighbours and bigger

powers gave the

nation an underlying inferiority complex - a 'little me who

gets beaten up

by big brother' feeling. The parents cared only when it was

advantageous to

them. Serb leaders strove to turn this feeling into a sense

of strident

independence, even ethnic superiority. However, this was, in

a sense, a

ruse to enhance the ruling nobles' power, not necessarily a

move to benefit

the ordinary people. Yet the ordinary people accepted it. So

there was a

hidden sense of national self-betrayal or denial behind

this. This was a

vital ingredient in the formative development of the nation,

now

psychologically like an 18 year-old.

 

Trade drew Serbs north towards the Danube - Belgrade,

today's capital, was

then but a Danube-side border township. Trade also drew

Serbs south into

Montenegro, Macedonia and much of mainland Greece,

eventually expanding

Serb influence and territories over much of the Balkans.

Hence modern-day

jitteriness amongst Greeks, Macedonians and Albanians over

Serb

expansionism - they have seen it before. Serbs themselves

were

unconsciously struggling to prove their power and worth -

they were doing

to other people what they themselves had suffered at others'

hands. They

were getting their own back on the world.

 

During a humiliating interlude in the 1290s, when the

Mongols swept through

Kosovo, king Stefan Urosh II was forced to make Serbia a

vassal-state to

the Mongol Khan. This punctured Serb esteem. The Mongol

incursion into

Europe was short-lived, and by 1330, Serbia dominated the

Balkans again,

and Stefan Dushan (Urosh IV) was crowned 'Tsar of the Serbs

and Greeks' in

Skopje (now capital of today's Macedonia). Serbia became

well-established

as a regional power. Dushan codified the laws by emulating

Byzantine

standards. He even had designs on the Byzantine throne,

though he died

while advancing on Byzantium. Serbia by now had overstepped

its true

capacities. The dynasty fell apart around 1360, leading to

disarray and

hardship. The self-respect of the nation now severely

collapsed: Serbia had

failed in its time of greatness. This strengthened its

growing

victim-and-master complex.

 

The field was open to the expanding Ottoman Turks, who had

recently begun

invading the Balkans and surrounding Constantinople, the

opulent, declining

capital of Byzantium. The Ottomans advanced northwards, with

an eye to

penetrating to the heart of Europe. They had designs

European power, and

eventually hijacked Byzantium. In 1389 came the fatal battle

of Kosovo

('the Field of Blackbirds'), when the Serb and Balkan

nobility was crushed

by the Turks. This was a devastating blow for all Serbs:

first they had

overstretched themselves, then they had collapsed, and next

they were

overrun by a completely alien force. Disaster. Many Serbs

moved north from

Kosovo to what is today's Serbia, and Turk-friendly

Albanians trickled into

Kosovo.

 

In this experience the seeds of future catastrophe were

sown: the idea

arose in the Serb unconscious that all Muslims were a threat

and deserved

vengeance. Serbs weren't fuming for blood, but the idea was

there - a

dormant pain in the national spleen. Serbia became an

Ottoman vassal state

and its own national impetus was lost. Its self-esteem was

entirely

deflated. The Ottomans controlled the Balkans. There was an

heroic

fight-back by the Hungarian hero Janos Hunyadi and fellow

Christians, yet

the Turks prevailed after the battle of Varna in 1444.

Serbia was, by 1459,

completely absorbed into the Ottoman sphere. It no longer

felt fully

'European'. It was different, on its own, unloved by anyone.

 

The Ottoman threat on Europe contributed to the rise of the

Habsburg empire

of Austria-Hungary. The Habsburgs blocked the Turks and

protected Europe.

Interestingly, the Habsburgs and Ottomans fell at the same

time, in WW1,

centuries later. Both empires lasted 450 years, mirroring

one another as

rival Christian and Muslim states - across Yugoslavia.

 

Under occupation, indigenous Serbian culture was held

together by

underground Orthodox cultural resistance. There was

considerable conversion

to Islam also, especially south and south-west of Serbia,

particularly for

the business and cultural advantages it gave. The Ottomans

did not force

conversion. But Ottoman civilisation did have its vibrant,

exciting and

profitable side, and joining the Turkish order was a better

option than

marginalisation. Serbia thus survived the centuries under

the Ottoman

order. But the Serb spirit felt threatened by the Ottoman

cultural tide.

Serbs were connected now with Syrians, Egyptians, Turks,

Tartars and

Armenians, through Istanbul. This cultural dilution led to a

later rise of

dogged nationalism. Serbia passed later under Austrian

domination, which

was insensitive and incompetent. Yugoslav states were always

pawns in

someone else's game.

 

 

53. Shadowy viral epidemics

 

When Milosevic played the Serbian nationalist card in the

late 1980s his

adversarial agitation fell on a caucus of receptive Serb

ears. Meanwhile,

apathy and disorientation on the part of the moderate Serb

majority, who

were at the time more interested in business than politics,

allowed

nationalist extremism to grow. Pro-Milosevic Serb

nationalists embodied and

reawoke the historic hurt the Serbs had accumulated over the

centuries.

This hurt was felt particularly toward Croats who, under

Franjo Tudjman,

had their own nationalist and anti-Serb feelings. Things

became paranoiac.

 

Serb nationalist feeling was deep-rooted. The pain which

drove it lurked in

the form of unremembered, unconscious guilt and regret,

arising way back at

the time of the Serbian collapse in the mid-1300s. This kind

of

national-psychological complex is an historical shadow

haunting many

nations. It is rooted in profound collective regret derived

from the forced

submission of ordinary people to aristocratic power-seekers,

who themselves

came to betray their nations. Such feelings of intrinsic

regret are not

consciously experienced - they lurk as a bitter,

heart-hardened, underlying

sentiments, unidentified until events activate something.

National

self-betrayal is hard for a people to acknowledge - instead,

betrayal is

projected and blamed on foreigners, minorities, symbols or

perceived threats.

 

After this medieval disintegration of Serbian national

integrity took

place, many mishaps later befell the Serbs. Deep unconscious

memory of this

activated a militant tendency amongst the Serbian people in

the late 1980s,

skilfully whipped up by 'Slobo': After failing to assert

Serb dominance

over the Yugoslav federation, Milosevic planned to expand

Serbia, break up

the Yugoslav union, invade and 'cleanse' the lands he

thought belonged to

'Greater Serbia'. The potential grew for Serb-induced

horrors in Kosovo,

Bosnia, Montenegro and Macedonia, even in Albania, and for

additional

frictions with Hungarians within Serbia's northern borders.

 

It is unjust and partisan to accuse Serbs of baseless

aggression toward

their neighbours - even though there was no sensible

justification for

their ruinous aggression and ethnic cleansing. More

compassionately: a

mountain of stored up frustration emerged in a subgroup of

Serb society and

gained control - at the same time as Thatcherism gripped

Britain. Serbia

went mad. The Serb bombardment of Dubrovnik, Sarajevo,

Tusla, Bihac and

Srebrenica, and the extensive use of sniper-murder well

overstretched

accepted rules of war and sensibility. In the early 1990s,

Europeans and

Americans felt insufficient sympathy for Orthodox Serbs or

for Muslims to

wade in. They dithered on the edges, fiddling, mouthing

diplomatic noises.

This harked back to deep memories of the medieval religious

schisms between

Constantinople and Rome: Catholics (West Europeans) sided

with Croatia and

Orthodoxy (East Europeans) sided with Serbia. And no one

sided for the

Muslims. And everyone forgot inter-ethnic peoples. Foreign

powers failed to

act sufficiently and in time. Madness broke out.

 

Modern Yugoslavs, especially Bosnians - many of whom had

lost or forgotten

their ethnic alignments - were unready to assert

inter-ethnic tolerance in

insecure times, in the face of divisive nationalist

invective. Bosnians,

uncertain and vulnerable, declared independence, with

grudging support from

Europe. Serbia, politically touchy, took this as a threat.

Bosnian Serbs

angled for independence from Muslim-majority Bosnia. After

its war with

Croatia in 1990-91, Serbia turned on Bosnia. Disaster

ensued. A disaster

which will leave scars for generations to come.

 

The 1990s Yugoslav wars embodied an acting-out of innately

medieval

rivalries between the Catholic, Orthodox and Muslim spheres

- rivalries

which have gone on for 500-1,500 years. These antipathies,

like a recurring

emotional virus, found a weak zone in 1990s Yugoslavia.

Disoriented,

Yugoslavia was immunologically weak, unready to 'hold the

circle' of

inter-ethnic harmony. This harmony had been strong in

Bosnia: Sarajevo,

throughout history, was Europe's sole city where Jews had

not gathered in a

ghetto. But the accumulated pain of former times, reinforced

by horrors

which fell on Serbs in the 19th and 20th Centuries (which we

don't have

space to cover here), had the strongest power in the Serbian

national

psyche in the 1990s. As with many outbreaks of militant

behaviour, a noisy

20% of the population coercively drowned out the rest.

 

Tito had been a benevolent despot. Things had been tolerable

under him,

though free thought and association were restricted. After

his death, this

was uncorked in the 1980s. Loud nationalist incantations

prevailed before

moderating influences could gain sway. Yugoslavia split

asunder along deep

emotional cracks and went into over-reactivity. Everyone

started defending

their patch, looking askance at their neighbours. The

contents of the

national unconscious spilled over, invoking hero-worship,

war, rape,

slaughter, horror and revenge. At times like these, the

shadowy, horrific

side of the collective unconscious rears its head, aided in

this case by a

mountain of armaments left over from Cold War times.

 

Both Alexander I, king of Yugoslavia in the 1930s, and Tito

in post-war

times, omitted to recognise the resilience of minority

nationalist feeling.

The Nazis had driven over it entirely - though the Serb and

Croat partisans

charged their price. After the war, Tito covered nationalism

with socialist

internationalist ethics - yet in foreign policy he staved

off both the

Soviet Union and the West. This lasted until the 1980s. Then

came a vacuum.

It took Milosevic, Tudjman and their henchmen to activate

the virus of

nationalism, to reawaken old buried sentiments. Once the

virus had taken

hold, and once people resorted to arms, the fever was on the

rampage, and

whole populations were sitting ducks. Diplomatic medicine

was already too

late to apply, and the doctors - UN, NATO, EU and Russia -

were unwilling

to operate surgically. They wanted no blood on their own

hands, no

body-bags on TV.

 

The 1990s Bosnian war has been an example of what can happen

when old

historical feelings are not acknowledged and resolved

properly. Yugoslavia

could have become a relatively prosperous and successful

post-Soviet state.

Or at least it could have divided diplomatically, as did

Czechia and

Slovakia in 1992. Gradual transition and moderation in

Yugoslavia failed:

extremes and extremists took over.

 

This kind of pattern, if allowed to replicate, can become a

scourge of the

future. It is already a pattern of the insecure 1990s. It is

a virus at

risk of going epidemic, anywhere, unless counteracted by a

strange mixture

of positive internationalist values and respect of national

and minority

values. Many countries are vulnerable by dint of their

histories - India,

Afghanistan, Nigeria, Belgium, Guatemala, Lebanon,

Indonesia, South Africa,

Canada, even Spain. As was Yugoslavia. This viral

inter-ethnic world issue

needs tackling at its roots.

 

Copyright, Palden Jenkins, 1996.

--

flute

http://www.create.org/healingarts/reiki.htm

http://www.create.org/bbs - For Updates on REIKI HB 367

"The same stream of life that runs through my veins night

and day runs through the world and dances in rhythmic

measures." R. Tagore

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